"The King Had No Alternative" - B. P. Koirala (Interview) (Ram Pradhan, June 15, 1979)
In political stature, popular acceptance and international standing Bisweswar Prasad Kiorala, 64, has no peer in Nepal. When the country went to the pools for the first time in 1959, he was the frontrunner from the outset and ended up Prime Minister. Most Nepalese expect performance if a general election takes place in the next few months, as new seems likely.
Last week, "B.P." took time off to grant a rare interview. When Asia week's Kathmandu Correspondent, Ram Pradhan, turned up at Koirala's home in Chabhil, on his less-than manicured lawn, sipping lea from a glass lumber and watching the setting of the summer sun. "I thought he looked healthier than his recent illnesses had suggested." cabled Pradhan. "Certainly he was a good deal more relaxed than during the year in exile or under house arrest, when he faced a series of sedition charges."
Pradhan: Why did King Birendra call a national referendum at this juncture?
Koirala: Happenings in Iran and the recent student movement [in Nepal] might have had strong bearing on the momentous and historic decision. But the decisive factor was the realization on the King's part that if he did not take prompt action, the situation could get out of hand and put the very integrity of Nepal in serious jeopardy.
Pradhan: Were you surprised by the royal proclamation?
Koirala: Not at all. According to my thinking the King had no alternative. One can argue that a round-table conference of parties [rather than a referendum] would have done the trick but such exercise would not only be time-consuming; it could trigger fruitless and unnecessary clashes of ideologies and attitudes.
Pradhan: You think people will vote against the panchayat system because it has failed to deliver the goods or because the party system offers more?
Koirala: Both There is deep discontent in the country today. People, including the followers of panchayat, know only too well what it feels like to live under a system that isn't geared to the fulfillment of their basic needs and aspirations.
Pradhan: You recently made some references to foreign money playing a part here. What exactly do you mean?
Koirala: I have no evidence to say anything conclusively about it. But I believe that the chances of detecting foreign money and influence playing a part in Nepal are greater in a democracy than in a dictatorship.
Pradhan: If you're elected prime minister, do you visualize any need to balance off the two neighboring giants?
Koirala: We are too small a country to seek a balancing role. With India we will have the closest of relations, and with China the friendliest of relations.
Pradhan: Why not vice versa?
Koirala: We belong to South Asia. We have a bigger stake in what happens in our part of the world. China is our friend. Yet, whatever has happened there say, the convulsions that shook China after Mao's death did not affect us all as strongly as the state of Emergency in India or the [subsequent] transfer of power to the Janata Party.
Pradhan: If the people vote for a multiparty system, who will draft the constitution?
Koirala: I'm not in a position to comment on this just now, because my entire attention is focused on the referendum how to go about it. If we get a massive aye vote, we'll initiate a dialogue with the person concerned. It is up to the people to decide how they want it done.
Pradhan: It is often said that the international press kept you alive during these past two decades of exile and imprisonment?
Koirala: My ideals, my faith in democracy and love for my people kept me alive.
Pradhan: What about the view that a national government should have been formed to oversee the referendum?
Koirala: No. Since parties aren't functioning at present, and since the issue involved is national rather than partisan, what has been decided upon appears to me to be the proper course.
Pradhan: Ultra leftists have already started comparing the referendum with what they call the "infamous" Delhi Agreement of 1951. They say King Birendra worked out the referendum idea with you long before the students took to the streets. Is this true?
Koirala: Firstly, I don't know what you mean by "ultra-leftists." If you're talking about the Naxalites [the violent extremist communist group based in neighboring India], let me tell you there are no Naxalites worth the name in Nepal. The district of Jhapa, supposedly a Naxalite stronghold on the eastern flank, remained relatively calm during the recent crisis. Secondly, I don't think it is fair to dub the Delhi Agreement "infamous." As a matter of fact, it laid the foundation for democracy in Nepal. Even to this day, the Agreement along with the Royal Proclamation issued by the late King Tribhuvan on Feb.18, 1951 serves as the starting point for all debates on freedom and democracy in Nepal.
Pradhan: Some people are saying there were foreign hands behind the student revolt.
Koirala: I have no evidence that any foreign power had a hand in the movement. However, some antisocial elements, together with some self-styled democrats, indulged in destructive acts in the heart of Kathmandu on May 23.
Pradhan: Did the Nepali Congress have a role in the student uprising?
Koirala: No. We were, of course, sympathetic their cause. We did not intervene as a party, but it's possible that some party men were involved, in their individual capacities. Frankly, we got more credit than we deserved in this episode.
Pradhan: You seem confident that people will vote for the multiparty system. What's the basis of you optimism?
Koirala: An overwhelming majority of the people will vote the multi-party system. And although we're not going for a united front with other parties, we seek their cooperation. Let me tell you something else: the Nepali Congress isn't even issuing a party whip. The policy is to let everyone consult his own conscience before casting the ballot.
Citation: B. P. Koirala, "The King Had No Alternative", (Interview) in Sushil Koirala (ed.), Democracy Indispensable for Development 29-32, (Varanasi: Sandaju Publications, 1982)
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