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Category: Lectures / Speeches / Presentation
(Dr Bipin Adhikari’s comments on Mr Alizedney paper presented in 2015 ALIN General Meeting and International Conference September 17, 2015, Seol, Korea)
Mr Alizedney M. Ditucalan paper on The Bangsamoro Basic Law: The Philippine Model of Legislative Peace Settlement and Its Constitutional Ramifications is a very well written piece of article on the struggle to reconcile the differences between the Moro people’s right to self determination in Mindanao and the Philippine state’s national interests.
As an outsider, it is often difficult to comment on issues that we have very little inside information on. However, this article must be commended on its intelligible structure and an eloquent description of events and underlying issues. This has helped paint quite the picture and made it relatively uncomplicated to understand the major issues.
As I understand, there is currently a proposed Bill called the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) based on the longstanding agreements, notably the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB) and the Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro (FAB), between the Government of Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which is under extensive discussions in both the chambers of the parliament. If adopted, the Basic Law will codify the aspirations of the past agreements and usher in changes that could have a lot of ramifications for both the state and the Bangsamoro autonomous region.
Moreover, some of the provisions contained in the past agreements, i.e. Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro and Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro have been deemed incompatible with the 1987 Constitution. In light of this, the author seeks to find a middle ground between balancing the state’s interests vis-à-vis the constitution, on the one hand, and the Moro people’s aspirations on the other. In doing so, there are some constitutional issues that need to be resolved. At this point, I would like to enquire whether the Bangsamoro Question is an isolated event in Philippine polity or are there other political forces driven by different ethnic/religious groups simultaneously seeking similar rights to autonomy and self determination? This will bring in the challenge for the state to ensuring equality to all in its dealings.
The historical context on the Bangsamoro peace settlement provides an intriguing backdrop for a constitutional enthusiast like me to understand the nature of the conflict in Philippines. The perennial struggle between the state and the Moros, as the author has explained, is not just confined to armed struggle but extends to the power struggle between the major constitutional structures of the nation, i.e. Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. It is apparent reading from the historical context that the struggle has been a long one lasting decades. It is also undeniably apparent that efforts have been made in the past to initiate peace process between the opposing forces, namely the Tripoli Agreement of 1976, Final Peace Agreement 1996. However, such efforts have been thwarted by either the policy changes at the top vis-à-vis change in administration or through the judicial decisions against the agreements, namely the striking down of the MOA-AD as unconstitutional. In either of the cases, it seems both the parties were at a loss as the struggle for peace continued. At this point, it would be appropriate to highlight the national view on the state of proceedings between the GPH and the MILF. Are majority of the Pilipino people pro-BBL or are they against the enactment of BBL? This could be an intriguing political question in our present context.
In the current scenario, it has been opined that a resolution can at last be achieved to put an end, once and for all, to the constant struggle through the enactment of the Basic Law. However, despite the longing for peace from both sides, implementing the agreements as the author has eloquently pointed out is a tricky scenario. First of all, the enactment of Basic Law is a legislative prerogative and as such the Congress holds the final say or utmost discretion in the formalizing process without any express obligations to enact the requisite law. Secondly, the constitutionalism of the BBL needs to be thoroughly reviewed. As the author pointed out, judicial review is inevitable and if the BBL is to survive such scrutiny from the judiciary later on then active discussions on the constitutionality of the enshrined provisions of the BBL must be discussed at the earliest. In light of this, it begs the question, how prevalent is “judicial activism”1 in Philippines? Do the judges favor the enactment of BBL or have they remained neutral in the process?
In this context, the issue of form of governance in Bangsamoro is one of the contentious issues due to the perceived incompatibility of a presidential system at the national level and parliamentary system at the autonomous region. Citing examples from UK, France and the 1973 Constitution of Philippines, the author stresses that the concept of mixed system is in fact workable and therefore not unconstitutional. Similarly, the second major opposition to the constitutionality of the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro and Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro were the compatibility of the parliamentary form of governance with the Section 18 of Article X of the 1987 Constitution. In this context, the author opined that the constitution grants the Congress power to define the “basic structure of the government” as long as it contains a representative and elective departments, i.e. legislative and executive.
The third issue was whether or not Congress can abolish the present Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and replace it with Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. In answering this, the Constitutional doctrine whereby a former legislature cannot bind a successive legislature has been used as a persuasive argument. The principle in Duarte v Dade, furthers this concept by highlighting that the court has the duty to strike down laws that attempt to limit the power of Congress to amend or repeal laws. These are the reservations of the GPH and the critics against the enactment of BBL. However, there aren’t any mentions of the reservations of the MILF or the Moros regarding the impending enactment of BBL. Are the Moros completely satisfied with the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro and Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro? Have all their demands been met? Are there any specific rights or guarantees that have been omitted from the agreements which the Moros would like to incorporate?
The concern that the Bangsamoro political entity is akin to sub-state that will cause dismemberment of the Philippine territory is a valid concern. This is something being actively discussed in Nepal currently in light of the current federalization process. However, the context of asymmetric relationship is a concept designed to allow more leeway to the autonomous regions to exercise more power and entertain less intervention from the national government. This will also provide assurances to the Moros that their special historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structures, and other relevant characteristics have been acknowledged by the state. In light of this, as the author has pointed out, the relationship must be clearly defined and the powers clearly delineated between the National Government and the Bangsamoro to avoid any future clashes between authorities. In this regard, I have a few queries:
- Is the distribution of money between the National Government and the Autonomous Region not a big debate in the Philippines? I understand that Philippines is a unitary state, however, the issue of distribution of money does not seem to be part of the debate. Is there a particular reason for that?
- What structures have been put in place to adjudicate the disputes arising between the autonomous region and other regions? Which laws would prevail? Having a separate legislative department means that the autonomous region will have the power to enact its own laws. Which laws would prevail in cases of dispute between a national legislation and Moros legislation?
Another major objection to the enactment of Basic Law is the incompatibility, with the 1987 Constitution, of the grant of specific powers such as concurrent powers and exclusive powers to the Bangsamoro. Critics have sought to argue that granting Bangsamoro with such powers means the abdication of the indivisible powers of the state. The author, in contrast, argues that this in fact is not the case. A redefining of decentralization would put the granting of such delegation of powers within the boundaries of the 1987 Constitution. This is the norm in modern day unitary states and according to the author, Government of Phillipines and the Moros would both benefit from such an arrangement. At this point, the argument could be further strengthened with comparative models of nations favoring the decentralization of powers from the centre to the regional levels. Also, the demographic of the Moros in contrast to the other ethnicities, religions or communities residing in the Philippines could be another pertinent point mentioning in the research paper.
Finally, the author touches upon the uncertainty regarding the final draft of the Basic Law. At present, there are three versions of the Bill, each containing slightly different provisions from one another. This could be problematic as drastic alterations to the agreement would not be acceptable to the Moros. The third Bill, proposed as Marcus’s substitute Bill, has already been deemed unacceptable by the MILF. The Bicameral Conference Committee of the Congress has been entrusted to reconcile the conflicting versions of the two Houses of Congress. This committee has the power to amend, substitute or re-create the Bill depending upon the circumstances. Thus, the onus is on the committee to finalize a Bill that is acceptable to all the parties, promotes justice, rule of law, establishes order and protects and promotes the rights of individuals in society.
In this scenario, it is pertinent to enquire the inclusiveness of the Pilipino Congress as regards to the Moros. How well are the Moros represented within the Pilipino congress? Do they hold a large minority capable of being taken seriously or a smaller minority which could be easily brushed aside? Furthermore, how well are the Moros represented within the Bicameral Conference Committee? Lastly, are there any provisions for affirmative action ensuring the appropriate representation of the Moros within the Pilipino Congress?
This paper helped me draw a lot of parallels with my own country where there are a lot of groups, much akin to the Moros, seeking similar autonomy within federal Nepal. The armed rebellion of the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement with the state in 2007. Following this, some of the Maoist cadres were also integrated in the state armed forces. The armed rebellion sought to end the Monarchical state structure of Nepal and create a Federal Democratic Republic devoid of alienation, discrimination of the marginalized communities.
In light of this, Nepal has endeavored to promulgate a new Constitution keeping in line with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in 2007. In doing so, we have grappled with a lot of the similar issues currently being discussed in the Philippines regarding the Bangsamoro Question. In the same vein, the impending formation of federal states, based on ethnic diversities, in Nepal has generated fears of secessionist movements. Quite often rebels do not want to establish the rule of law, democratic principles and the concept of constitutionalism when they find they will be weakened by these formulations. The efforts to create an acceptable Constitution have been largely elusive due to the constant stalemate between the opposing political forces. In the same vein, is there a possibility in the Philippines that the political process would further elongate the enactment process? Also, in Nepal, the civil society has been largely proactive and been credited for initiating rights activism and human rights movement. In the same vein, has the civil society in Philippines played a major role in the shifting of attitude among people? Have they been important in bringing the Moros under the legal regime?
In essence, peace settlement is a give and take process and justice must prevail in the given context. Very often there are instances where the give and take cannot be compromised in the Constitution. This happens largely due to the excessive demands of the people seeking outlandish pleadings from the state which cannot possibly be guaranteed in the Constitution or Basic Law if that contravenes the Constitution. In this context, how rational are the demands of the Moros? How have they been viewed not just from the author’s perspective but also the national perspective? In conclusion, I would like to congratulate the author on the enlightening piece of work.
Special Bulletin of Narcotics Control Bureau published on the occasion of the United Nations’ International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking
Problems in Nepal
A crime is principally said to be a wrong committed against society either by an overt act, omission or neglect and could result in punishment. A person who has violated a law, or has breached a rule, is said to have committed a criminal offense. Every crime has a victim who suffers some harm at the hands of the offender – be it physical, financial, psychological or emotional. Drug smuggling is a crime. It is prohibited by law. This crime also has victims.
The narcotic drug related legal regime in Nepal is built under the provisions of Narcotics Drug Control Act 1976. Under this law, the cultivation, production, preparation, manufacture, export, import, purchase, possession, sale, and consumption of most commonly abused drugs is illegal. The Act has already been amended several times. The amended version of the Act is informed by UN Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 as amended by the protocol of 1972. Nepal is also a party to United Nations against illicit trafficking of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances of 1988. The country has consistently devised and implemented national policy on drug control. The drug administration has been regularly strengthened. The regime that has been prohibits, except under license, the production, supply, and possession of many, but not all, substances which are recognized as drugs, and which corresponds to international treaty commitments in the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961, the Convention on Psychotropic Substances 1971, and the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances 1988. Drug prohibition law is based on the view that some drugs, notably opium poppy, coca, and substances derived from these plants, are so addictive or dependence inducing and so dangerous, in terms of potential effects on the health, morality and behavior of users, that they should be rarely, if ever, used.
Despite the legal regime in place, and supposedly functioning drug administration, Nepal continues to deal with challenges in this sector. Every year there are numerous cased of violation of the drug prohibition law. There is an illegal trans-national industry supplying prohibited drugs for recreational use.
One of the problems in the enforcement of drug prohibition law is created by diplomats, or presumed diplomats, who claim diplomatic immunity on finding the violation of the drug prohibition law. Their institutions, particularly the friends and colleagues working there, very often insist on immunity. There is always a vague understanding among the ordinary people about the concept of diplomatic immunity. Movies like Lethal Weapon 2 have made apparent the ills relating to abuse of diplomatic immunities in the society. This movie, for example, features evil diplomats who use their immunity as a “Get Out of Jail Free” card subsequent to committing crimes such as murder, rape, drug and firearm trafficking.
Complexities surrounding Diplomatic Immunity
Diplomatic immunity is an established norm in the international relations. This norm has been institutionalized by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961. It defines a framework for diplomatic relations between independent countries. The framework specifies the privileges of a diplomatic mission that enable diplomats to perform their function without fear of coercion or harassment by the host country. This forms the legal basis for diplomatic immunity. This immunity limits the degree to which foreign government and international organization officials and employees are subject to the authority of police officers and judges in their country of assignment. In reality, this immunity is granted to keep diplomats from being harassed while they do their work in unfriendly nations. It makes sense. The question, however, is whether, a person who has been caught with drug smuggling in the host country mean that an official with diplomatic immunity, as is often assumed, can get away with anything? Not exactly.
At this juncture, it has to be noted that most diplomats are courteous law abiding citizens of the sending country dedicated to upholding the integrity of their missions in the host country. In most cases, the diplomats respect and follow the rules and regulations of the host nations. For centuries, diplomats have played a vital role in establishing ties between nations, ending wars, providing relief aid, financial assistance and bridging the gap between diverse cultures. As per the current regime, diplomats, their families, and staff are granted exemption from arrest or detention by local authorities (Art. 29); their actions not subject to civil or criminal law. However, as there are two sides to coin, the Vienna Convention allows for an incredible amount of personal liberties to the diplomats which can be easily abused. Furthermore, judging by past cases, the ratio of abuses such as drug trafficking, kidnapping, rape, and murder is on the rise.
There are cases aplenty of widespread abuses from the diplomats in their respective host nations which yielded no punishment from either the host nation or the sending nation. For example, the Venezuelan General wanted in the United States for drug charges was arrested in Aruba. However, following the Venezuelan government’s protestation of his diplomatic immunity, he was subsequently released. Similarly, in 1984, an Egyptian foreign minister’s bag in Rome was discovered illegally smuggling a drugged Israeli citizen. The Israeli citizen was subsequently released and no action was taken due to diplomatic immunity. Similarly, in 1976, North Korean diplomats were caught in Norway smuggling marijuana. However, no action was taken due to diplomatic immunity. There are other reports of widespread abuses which have highlighted the rapidly degenerating nature of this, once negligible, problem. In favor of diplomatic immunity, experts often cite extraterritoriality and functional necessity as justifications. Be that as it may, it has become increasingly apparent that viable solutions to the problems are needed.
In light of this, let us now focus our attention to the possible avenues, both the host country and the sending country can use, in situations when a diplomat is arrested for committing a crime. The first option, as per Article 32 of Vienna Conventions, is to request a waiver of the diplomatic immunity from the sending country. This will then allow the host nation to prosecute the diplomats. Second option is to declare the diplomat in question “persona non grata” (unacceptable). This forces the sending nation to either recall the diplomat or terminate his/her appointment altogether. The third option, albeit extreme, is to severe all diplomatic ties between the respective nations. All three avenues are problematic. A sending country is often highly reluctant to waiver the immunity amidst fear of loss of reputation whilst the second and third options are impractical in the 21st century as rejection of diplomatic mission causes unwanted tension.
So, what can be done to solve this widespread abuse? Well, there have been discussions in the international community about various proposals to reform the status quo including insurance policies and establishment of claims fund. However, these ideas are geared more towards remunerating the victims of the crime than punishing the perpetrators. Another alternative proposed is the idea of an International Diplomatic Court to oversee matters pertaining to abuses of this kind. This too has been quashed as a highly ambitious and unattainable proposal. There are inherent problems with establishing an International Diplomatic Court including getting the perpetrator to appear in court, finding an appropriate unbiased jury, ascertaining the universality among diverse state practices to the management of infrastructural resources.
Exceptions to the Vienna Convention?
Some countries have made reservations to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, but they are minor. A number of countries limit the diplomatic immunity of persons who are citizens of the receiving country. As nations keep faith to their treaties with differing zeal, other rules may also apply, though in most cases this summary is a reasonably accurate approximation.[5] The Convention does not cover the personnel of international organizations, whose privileges are decided upon on a case-by-case basis, usually in the treaties founding such organizations. The United Nations system (including its agencies, which comprise the most recognizable international bodies such as the World Bank and many others) has a relatively standardized form of limited immunities for staff traveling on U.N. laissez-passer; diplomatic immunity is often granted to the highest-ranking officials of these agencies. Consular officials (that do not have concurrent diplomatic accreditation) formally have a more limited form of immunity, generally limited to their official duties. Diplomatic technical and administrative staff also have more limited immunity under the Vienna Convention; for this reason, some countries may accredit technical and administrative staff as attaché.
Other categories of government officials that may travel frequently to other countries may not have diplomatic passports or diplomatic immunity, such as members of the military, high-ranking government officials, ministers, and others. Many countries provide non-diplomatic official passports to such personnel, and there may be different classes of such travel documents such as official passports, service passports, and others. De facto recognition of some form of immunity may be conveyed by states accepting officials traveling on such documents, or there may exist bilateral agreements to govern such cases (as in, for example, the case of military personnel conducting or observing exercises on the territory of the receiving country).
Formally, diplomatic immunity may be limited to officials accredited to a host country, or traveling to or from their host country. In practice, many countries may effectively recognize diplomatic immunity for those traveling on diplomatic passports, with admittance to the country constituting acceptance of the diplomatic status.
Strictly speaking, the principle of diplomatic immunity does not apply to all foreign government or international organization officials and employees. When it does apply, it applies differently to different categories and subcategories of such persons and their families, dependent on circumstances.
(Note: Diplomatic immunity is also to be distinguished from “sovereign immunity,” which applies to the person and property of foreign governments themselves and is not discussed in the present article.)
Diplomatic Immunity for Embassy Personnel
Diplomatic agents – that is, high ranking embassy officials (ambassadors, for example) who serve the function of dealing directly with their host country’s officials on behalf of their home country – enjoy the highest degree of immunity. The same applies to their family members.
The police cannot detain them, arrest them, or search or seize their houses and other property. Diplomats cannot be prosecuted or otherwise forced to appear in criminal court. Nor can they be sued in civil courts, except for their personal (non-official) involvement in certain commercial, real-estate, or inheritance-related matters, or for their separate professional activities.
So, for example: An ambassador who is sued for failing to pay her personal home mortgage premium may lose title to her house but may not be forced to pay damages and may not be evicted.
A second category of embassy personnel, the administrative and technical staff (secretaries, for example) who directly support diplomatic activities, enjoy the same immunity from police actions and criminal courts, but a lesser degree of immunity from civil courts. They can be sued like anyone else, except for acts performed in connection with their official function. (No such exception applies to their family members.) Accordingly, an embassy secretary who fails to pay his personal home mortgage premium may not only lose his title but also be sued for damages – though he may not be evicted.
Yet other embassy employees (chauffeurs, for example), who only indirectly support diplomatic activities, enjoy the lowest degree of immunity. They have (either criminal or civil) immunity only for acts performed in connection with their embassy role. Their family members enjoy no immunity at all.
There are exceptions. In rare cases, both the second and third categories of embassy personnel above may enjoy as much immunity as diplomatic agents. But this only happens when the home country and the host country enter a special agreement (or treaty) for that purpose. Moreover, home country governments can waive diplomatic immunity.
Finally, no immunity applies to embassy employees (or the family members of such employees) who are nationals or permanent residents of the host country.
Diplomatic Immunity for Consular Personnel
Consular personnel generally enjoy less immunity than embassy personnel.
Consular officers (career consuls and other foreign government officials responsible for issuing travel documents, promoting commerce or tourism, and similar functions) enjoy full immunity for acts performed in connection with their official function. However, they are otherwise fully subject to criminal prosecution, except that they may be detained only in felony cases. (No such exception applies to their family members, who enjoy no immunity at all.)
Their property can be searched by police officers. They can also be sued like private citizens – although they are prohibited (by international law) from engaging in commercial or professional activities outside their official functions.
Consulates’ administrative and technical staff are not prohibited from engaging in commercial or professional activities outside their official functions. However, they enjoy immunity only for acts performed in connection with their official functions.
Other consular employees enjoy almost no immunity, except that they cannot be forced to appear as witnesses in court for purposes of providing evidence about official consular affairs.
Here again, there are exceptions. Consular personnel may acquire almost as much immunity as diplomatic agents based on a special treaty between their home country and their host country.
No immunity applies to consular personnel who are nationals or permanent residents of the host country, except that honorary consuls enjoy immunity for acts performed in connection with their official functions.
Diplomatic Immunity for International Organization Representatives and Personnel
Interestingly, international law is often less important than national laws when it comes to defining the immunity of representatives and personnel of international organizations such as the United Nations or the International Monetary Fund.
Under U.S. law, high-ranking international government representatives (members of national missions who are assigned to international organizations) usually enjoy as much immunity as diplomatic agents, while all other national mission staff enjoy immunity only for acts performed in connection with their official functions.
Similarly, most international organization personnel enjoy immunity only for acts performed in connection with their official function, while some (but not all) high ranking officials may sometimes enjoy almost as much immunity as diplomatic agents. For example: the Secretary General of the United Nations enjoys full diplomatic immunity, but the Director of the International Monetary Fund (as we saw in the case of Dominique Strauss-Kahn in 2011) does not.
What Diplomatic Immunity Does Not Mean
Diplomatic immunity does not mean that its beneficiaries can do whatever they want and get away with it. Police officers are allowed to disregard it whenever necessary to prevent a grave crime or an imminent danger to public safety.
In cases of traffic violation, even though diplomatic vehicles may not be impounded, police officers are still allowed to issue citations, and host governments may suspend driving privileges.
In addition, host countries can request that home countries waive a crime suspect’s immunity. In the alternative, host countries may expel the suspect from their territory.
Finally, especially when the principle extends only to acts performed in connection with official functions, it is important to note that it is host country judges themselves who get to define the limits of immunity.
2017-09-13
Dear President Ik Hyeon Rhee of Korea Legislation Research Institute
Dear representatives of ALIN members
Ladies and Gentlemen
Good morning!
It is wonderful to receive you all in Kathmandu today to take part in this year’s ALIN General Meeting and International Conference.
Kathmandu is one of the most historical cities in the Himalayan region. Now is a pleasant time for visitors to see this lively city from different perspectives. The air is fresh from the rainy season having just come to an end. The hills and fields around us are lush, green, and beautiful, and the sky is clear and blue. Rivers and streams are still swelling, and Nepal’s festival season has just begun. You are some of the early birds in Kathmandu for this tourist season that will get a chance to observe the beautiful majesty of Nepal that the autumn and following winter bring. I am honored to welcome you to Kathmandu city – the pride of our civilization – for the ALIN General Meeting and International Conference.
I hope that most of you have had an opportunity to visit some sites and scenes in the Kathmandu valley. If you have not yet, do not worry, for there is a three-hour tour waiting for you tomorrow. Those of you who have extended your stay beyond the AILIN forum, this three hour trip could be a prime opportunity to explore the culture and heritage of the Kathmandu Valley.
The Kathmandu University has its main campus on the outskirts of the Kathmandu valley. It is 30 kilometers away from here. The School of Law sits on a small hill very close to the main campus. Our University is a young university and just celebrated its silver jubilee last year. The School of Law is the youngest school and only in the fourth year of its academic calendar. As a new sect, the School of Law concentrates on interdisciplinary studies of law, focusing on research in areas like corporate law, trade, investment, intellectual property and energy, and infrastructure law. Our undergraduate legal studies programme is an integrated Bachelor of Business Management & Bachelor of Law (BBM,LL.B), that aims to generate human resources that can support the development and reconstruction of Nepal.
As the Dean of the School of Law, I am very pleased to see the 2017 General Meeting of ALIN members being held in our capital city. I welcome you all wholeheartedly. ALIN has a noble objective for this region, that of creating a network of legal experts to work on common issues. I sincerely hope that through ALIN’s activities, we will enhance and strengthen the friendship and cooperation between our institutions and universities. No doubt, this meeting will help us to know and understand each other better and conceive more fruitful and cooperative opportunities for education and research in the future. I would also like to thank the staff of the School of Law and of the Korea Legislation Research Institute, who have worked diligently and tirelessly to ensure the success of this meeting. I do hope that this year’s conference will be as good as the one we had last year and will stay forever as one of our memorable general meetings in the years to come!
Thank you all!
Bipin Adhikari
Dean of School of Law at Kathmandu University
September 13, 2017
Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSL)
The 11th Asia Legal Information Network Expert Forum
Korea Legislation Research Institute
April 30, 2015
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007 is one of the latest constitutions of the world. It has led to the establishment of Constituent Assembly – II to write a new constitution for the country. Being an Interim Constitution, which outlines the legal framework providing a basis for the democratic transition, it also, at the same time, lays down the foundation for interim norms, values, institutions and procedures on the chassis of which the Constituent Assembly will draft and adopt a new constitution.
This paper argues that the Interim Constitution of Nepal has created a firm foundation for social economy in its interim arrangement for the country. It also argues that the new constitution to be adopted by the Constituent Assembly has a solid background to work on what the Interim Constitution has effectively laid on. Finally, the paper argues that the policy foundations enshrined in the Interim Constitution of Nepal needs to be institutionalized in practice to implement progressive transformation of democratic institutions, social and economic proliferation.
Concept of Social Economy
People may differ on what they understand as “social economy.” Generally, it refers to a ‘third sector’, different from the traditional public and the private market sectors.[1] Its origins can be traced back to ancient French and Anglo-Saxon societies where it was established to re-introduce social justice values into the economy. These values ranged from tackling social exclusion and promoting development in particularly deprived localities to establishing solidarity in production relations. Contrasting from a profit making enterprise, social economy comprises of group of individuals working together to set up adequate structure for individual and general public interest.
Essentially, social economy is comprised of non-profit, voluntary and co-operative sectors working independent of the state and dedicated to achieving social developmental goals that transcend the economic market. From farmers’ collectives working towards effective marketability to charities and NGOs working for public interest, the social economy encompasses a wide range of economic activities. Additionally, as per Frank Mouleart et al., features of social economy initiative includes, among others, “redistribution of income and wealth within the market economy, various allocation systems and their political governance, solidarity and reciprocity relations, satisfaction of alienated individual and collective needs, the role of the public, private and third sector in operating and governing the social economy, and global governance.” [2]
The emergence of social economy concepts can be characterized by the outburst of co-operatives, associative, mutual aids, non-profit organizations and initiatives in the 19th century Europe in retaliation to the social inequalities, growing poverty and exploitation of the Industrial Revolution.[3] Critics have often undervalued the social economy movement as a naïve utopia. However, the impacts of social economy initiatives are hard to ignore. The modern day understanding of social economy is dominated by synonyms such as alternative economy, non-lucrative sector, voluntary sector, idealist sector, solidarity sector etc. In light of this, the major roles played by social economy initiatives range from institutionalization of better wages, better work conditions and consumer satisfaction in the early 19th century to sustainable social entrepreneurship, worker oriented co-operatives and formation of rights oriented NGOs in the 21st century.[4]
The academic discourse on social economy has sought to highlight the differences in the meaning and practice of the different synonyms used to describe the social economy movement. However, for the purpose of this paper, a broader approach, albeit unscientific, encompassing all the prevalent conceptions of social economy, keeping in mind the inherent qualities of solidarity, reciprocity and the emphasis of individual and social objectives over capital, has been accepted to offer a wider framework for discussion.
Nepalese Situation
Nepal has come a long way from the feudalistic state structure of the Rana regime (1846 -1951) to the post-conflict multi-party democratic state.
The country is a multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi-religious society with a plethora of rich cultural diversity. Encompassing an area of 55,000 sq. miles, Nepal is a host to spectacular ecological variations. In terms of economic potential, Nepal has a tremendous prospect in the horticultural enterprises, tourism forests and water resources. The Himalayan Mountain ranges form a majestic outlook and attract millions of tourists annually. In light of this, there is an abundance of untapped economic potential in the country.
Historically, the top heavy system restricted people’s participation in the development process. As a result, the Nepalese economy could not flourish and the situation of marginalization of the non-elites, ethnic tension and poverty aggravated further. The current effort is to redefine the state’s role in facilitating people’s participation in the development process through progressive transformation of democratic institutions, social and economic proliferation.
In terms of social welfare service, organizations other than that of the government have been prevalent in Nepal since the mid 19th century. Whilst some were established as a joint venture between the government and civil societies, others were initiated purely out of the “…collective spirits of social activists.”[5] Gradually, the numbers of non-governmental organizations working in social welfare sector started rising. Keeping this in mind, the Government of Nepal, in a bid to regulate, established the Social Welfare Council to co-ordinate the activities of NGOs and civil society organizations.
Nepal’s continuous struggle for development through self fulfillment, utilization of human resources and collaboration on nation’s productive forces has been treacherous one indeed marred by dissatisfaction with state intervention, paternalism and market failures. The current democratic setup has failed to provide the impetus to the Nepali people to grasp the available political powers to enhance their economic interest. The reactive nature of Nepali politics, unable to usher progressive economic policies, has confined the nation to a Least Developed Countries (LDC) category with GDP of 694.10$ and more than 25% of the population living below the poverty line.[6] In addition, there are wide disparities between the unorganized agrarian and the industrial sector with no discernible bridging mechanisms. Moreover, the exodus of unemployed youths to pastures anew and the adoption of liberal economic policies without adequate preparation has further exasperated the country’s prospect for economic growth. According to Senior Development Analyst, Professor Maskey, “Change in economic perspective is, therefore, vital for initiating change in attitudes, values and expectations from the prevailing inertia to productive culture – essential for social transformations.”[7] This is where social economy initiatives in the form of innovation can form a viable alternative to meet the socio-economic needs.
Furthermore, in terms of Nepal, social economy can play key role in the implementation of important community objectives, particularly in the fields of employment. The emergence of group saving initiatives and setting up of mutual pension funds, at the grass-root level, for the benefit of group of workers is a good example. Nepal has had a long cultural tradition of informal community based co-operatives working in different sectors. The savings and credit associations popularly known as dhikuti, and grain savings and labour savings systems known as parma and dharma bhakari are well documented practices still prevalent in the rural parts of Nepal. In addition, the introduction of trust principles, locally known as guthi has provided a broad based framework for co-operation among various groups, within the Nepalese society, to enhance their social and economic interests. The emergence of civil society organizations and NGOs, subsequent to the democracy movement in 1990, has further provided a much needed impetus to effective state governance promoting social justice, equity, equality, rights advocacy, reciprocity and solidarity.
In addition, social economy initiatives, through their activities, can achieve social cohesion, regional and rural development, environmental protection, consumer protection, and social security policies in Nepal. Countless co-operatives and non-profit organizations have been setup to achieve these goals. Despite these efforts, inefficiencies in the economic amelioration of the state are abundant. In fact, the capacity of Nepal to facilitate development hinges on the transference of devolution of power, granted by the constitution, into processes to bring desirable change in the economy through equitable re-distribution of resources, change in production and consumption to the satisfaction of the excluded groups.[8] In light of this, this paper seeks to outline the relevant legal provisions prevalent in Nepal managing the social economy movement and aspires to reconcile the anomalies inherent in policy and practice.
Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 and Comprehensive Peace Accord, 2006
The interim constitution of Nepal, 2007, under the preamble, upholds the mandate of “….progressive political outlet, democratic restructuring of the State and social-economic-cultural transformation…”[9] Similarly, the constitution, under obligations of the state provides for the provision to “ensure progressive political, economic and social transformations in the country.” [10] The state obliges to “… set a common minimum program on socio-economic transformation to do away with feudalism in all its forms, and keep on implementing the program;”[11] Further, the constitution obliges the state to “…build a common development concept for the socio-economic transformation of the country and justice as well as for the prosperity and rapid economic progress and prosperity of the country.”[12]
In terms of the directive principles enshrined in the constitution, the fundamental objective of the state, as regards to economic objective, consists of transforming “…the national economy into an independent, self-reliant and progressive economy…. by preventing the economic resources and means available in the country from being concentrated within a limited section of the society, by making arrangements for the equitable distribution of economic gains on the basis of social justice, by making arrangements for the equitable distribution of economic gains on the basis of social justice, by making such provisions as to eliminate economic inequalities and prevent economic exploitation…” [13] In terms of the policies of the state, the constitution obliges the state to “….pursue a policy of making special provision of social security for the protection and progress of the single women, orphans, children, the helpless, the aged, the disabled, incapacitated persons, and tribes on the verge of extinction.” [14] In addition, the state is obliged to “…..pursue a policy of keeping institutionalizing peace in Nepal through international norms, by promoting cooperative and harmonious relations in the economic, social and other spheres on the basis of equality with neighboring friendly countries and all other countries of the world.” [15]
The comprehensive peace accord, signed to signal the end of the conflict era in Nepal in 2006 also highlights the significance of transforming social economy measures along with democratic re-structuring of the state for the progression of the state. As per the economic and social rights, as agreed upon the accord, the conflicting parties believed in “….encouraging to give continuity to production works without disturbing the industrial climate in the country, to respect the right to collective bargaining and social security in industrial enterprises, to pacifically resolve problems, if any, arising between the industrial enterprises and labors, and respect the right to work…” [16]
The Supreme Court of Nepal for almost two and half decade have been encouraging public interest litigation on behalf of the poor and oppressed by using a very broad interpretation of several articles of the Constitution in force.
The constitution has provided ample legal measures to support the social economy movement. However, future fluctuations in state’s commitment towards social economy could be problematic. The spirit of the constitution needs to manifest into concrete long term commitments dedicated to mitigate the needs of the state. This could be achieved by setting periodic goals, enacting legislations and setting budgetary assistance facilitating social economic enterprises. The second issue is the concept of durability, i.e. Nepal’s ability to institutionalize and implement an alternative investment project in relation to the time it takes to transform social economy into an innovative and durable mechanism for governance. Given Nepal’s poor implementation records in the past, it is indeed an uphill task. The third issue is the diverse nature of social economy itself. Social economy initiatives include a wide range of concepts and as such any normative approach to delineate a sustainable social economy approach could be impossible to establish. In light of this, Nepal needs to establish a sustainable approach based on its own experiences, state structure, and political environment, social and economic constructs.
The contents of Nepali constitution can be contrasted to that of the US Constitution drafted in 1787 which, according to Charles A. Beard, was an economic document motivated to achieve the economic domination of the elites and the exploitation of the lower classes. [17]Albeit criticized by many including Jonathan Macey, the landmark book written by Beard entitled, “An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States” marks the initial constitutional economic debate, popularly known as constitutional economics. [18] The assertion of Charles Beard is interesting in that the constitution of US, at that time, despite claiming to be an economic document, failed to address the social economy component. Charles Beard himself professes, in his book, the concept of competing economic interests between the elites and the lower classes and the motive of economic dominance inherent in the then constitution. In contrast, the Nepalese constitution has a comparative advantage, in that, it addresses the need for state re-structuring based on social, economic and political transformation. In light of this, the constitution of Nepal is more aligned towards economic enhancement through social welfare than retention of hegemonic property rights.
Today, though, the American economic sphere comprises of thriving private, social and public enterprises working comprehensively towards overall economic growth. The legislations have been put in place, based on egalitarianism, to cater to all the different forms of economic sectors and implementation mechanisms have been evolved to expedite the growth process. Nepal, despite having enlisted progressive principles in the constitution, needs to expand its scope of constitutional economic analysis and respond to the changing nature of economies around the world.
Micro-Finance and Co-operative Movement
There are several legislation in Nepal that have tried to enforce what the concept of social economy generally requires.
The Co-operatives Act (1992), for example, was formulated to manage the “…..formation and operation of various types of cooperative associations and societies based on the mutual support and cooperativeness for the economic and social development of the general public consumers by the farmers, craftsperson, class of people with low capital and low income, labors, landless and unemployed people or social workers of the country..”[19] Firstly, the Act sets the criteria for the formation of social economy based association on the co-operative principle.[20] Secondly, the Act sets procedures for the registration of the associations. Thirdly, the Act set the modus operandi for the associations including code of conduct, functions, appointment/termination of employees, duties and powers of general meeting etc. Fourthly, the Act set about the procedure for pursuance of financial source and mobilization of the human capital. Fifthly, the Act sets the accountability clauses through processes such as: information dissemination, record keeping and account of profits. Sixthly, the Act provides certain concessions and facilities to the co-operative association. Subsequently, the Act stresses the non-applicability of Companies Act (1964) to these associations.
Subsequent to the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Nepal Co-operative Act was enacted in 1992 with a view to regulate co-operative sector and apply cooperative values, norms and principles into practice. Similarly, the government is in the process of enacting a legislation pertaining to NGOs to institutionalize, regulate, and organize all non- profit foundations and associations engaged in social development and nation building fields and to make these associations transparent, accountable and responsibly managed. As per the National Cooperative Development Board (NCDB), some 3 million people are affiliated in approximately 19,724 cooperatives and more than 50,000 people are employed directly in Cooperative business.[21] Whilst many cooperatives related to health, handicrafts, dairy and vegetable products, and genuine self-employment activities have successfully assisted the income generation initiatives of locals with a stark rise in living conditions, some have been accused of deceiving innocent citizens in both rural and urban areas. The numbers for civil society initiatives and NGOs are equally staggering. In light of this, there is an urgent need for umbrella legislation on social economy, much akin to the one enacted in Spain[22], which supplements the objectives enshrined in the constitution, provides a legal definition of social economic entities and creates adequate mechanisms through establishment of special bodies to meet their needs and improve communication with the state. In this context, the spirit of the Interim Constitution needs to be translated into practice.
National Legislation
Nepal is in the early stage of economic development and as such chances are that economic power concentrates on a small number of players to achieve an economy of scale, and, as a result, a monopoly emerges, rather than competition being fostered in the market and the principles of market being proliferated. In light of this, anti-trust laws are imperative to prevent concentration of economic power in the market. In Nepal, this theory holds true not least because the country has adopted a policy of progressive reforms but also because country’s recent accession into the WTO has provided impetus to this process.
With the objectives of making “…provisions for protecting consumers from irregularities concerning the quality, quantity and prices of consumer goods or services, ensuring that no one lowers or removes the attributes or usefulness of consumer goods or services, preventing circumstances in which monopolies and unfair trading practices may lead to an increase in prices, as well as false and misleading propaganda about the use and usefulness of consumer goods or services, selling, supplying, importing, exporting and storing safe and quality consumer goods or services, and protecting the rights and interests of consumers through the establishment of an agency for redressing the hardships of consumers, and thus maintaining the health, convenience and economic welfare of consumers…..”[23], the Consumer Protection Act was enacted in 1998. This Act is an umbrella act aimed at protecting the rights of the consumer as well as restricting unfair trade practices. The Section 6 of the Act assures and recognizes six rights of the consumer out of eight rights recognized globally. Further, the Act seeks to punish, through jail sentence or fine, perpetrators that fail to meet the obligations set forth by the legislation.
Further, the government, especially in the last decade, has been actively pursuing liberal economic policies that are conducive for the growth and progress of trade and industry. Following the membership of the World Trade Organization (WTO) during the fifth Ministerial meet at Mexico[24], the need for legislation incorporating fair competition practice was made abundantly clear. In light of this, Competition Promotion and Market Protection Act, 2063 (2007) was enacted, among others, to promote; fair competition for the growth of trade, commerce and social welfare through equitable allocation of resources whilst protecting the open market. [25]
Moreover, for the purpose of this study, it is relevant to note that the Competition Promotion and Market Protection Act, herein referred to as the Act, aims to protect consumers against monopoly rights of trading enterprises that may arise from the joint action of two or more enterprises. There are provisions in the Act that help control anti-competitive practices, apart from ensuring that the actions of business and trading firms do not come in the way of consumer welfare and open market price formation. [26]Further, the Act has provisioned for the formation of a Market Protection and Monopoly Control Commission to monitor the market.[27] The Commission is entrusted with setting the standards that are left out the Act, promote fair competition and create public awareness.Moreover, The Act also contains special providing for waivers in punishment and fines for those who help in curbing malpractice and bringing the offenders to justice. [28]
In addition, there are other legislations in Nepal which directly or indirectly deal with the issues of fair competition practices. For example, the Black Marketing and Certain other Social Offences and Punishment Act, 1975 prohibits business practices such as black marketing, profiteering, and deflection of commodities, hoarding and creation of artificial scarcity, fraudulent sale and the adulteration and sale of drugs. Similarly, the Industrial Enterprises Act, 1992 seeks to provide liberal, open and competitive policies to the state in order to make the industrial sector competitive. Also, the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act, 1992 seeks to, “… promote foreign investment and technology transfer for making the economy viable, dynamic and competitive through the maximum mobilization of limited capital, human and other natural resources.” [29]
The prevalent norms around the world suggest that competition law is a widely acknowledged principle in developed countries. It is credited as a vital tool in establishing “…competition in the marketplace and enhancing efficiency of business enterprises, leading to consumer welfare.”[30] However, in Least Developed Countries including Nepal, these values are yet to be fully appreciated. Effort have been made to initiate fair competition practices in the country, though by and large, the situation is dismal as far as implementation of these legislations are concerned. In light of this, it is imperative that stakeholders in Nepal acknowledge the significance of competition law and formulate adequate measures to institutionalize globally accepted competition practices.
Millennium Development Goals, 2000
These initiatives are not enough. The challenges that Nepal faces in the economic sector are enormous. The Millennium Development Goals can help explain the situation.
One of the eight millennium development goals undertaken by Nepal includes the goal to develop a global partnership for development. The fulfillment of this goal, as per UNDP, entails various components such as establishing trade, setting up aid and debt relief mechanism, ensuring employment and mobilization of national and international organizations for economic enhancement and general interest. [31] Further, as per the Millennium Development Goals report. Nepal relies heavily on foreign assistance for implementation of its development initiatives including achieving the MDGs.[32] Further, the flow of foreign assistance to Nepal, from the donor communities, through loans, grants or any form of assistance, is on a steady increase. In light of this, Nepal needs to demonstrate its effectiveness at utilizing the funds for developmental goals. Social economy components could also tap into the large resources at their disposal and the state needs to promote co-operatives and other social initiatives dedicated to achieving the development goals.
In addition, the Millennium Development Report highlights the need for Nepal to “…adopt forward-looking macroeconomic policies that promote sustainable development and lead to sustained, employment-centric, inclusive and equitable, broad-based economic growth; promote national food security strategies that strengthen support for smallholder farmers and contribute to poverty eradication; support participatory, community-led strategies in a decentralised fashion and align them with national development priorities and strategies; promote universal access to public and social services and provide social protection floors; and improve the capacity to deliver quality services equitably.”[33]These suggestions place value on the importance of all the major components inherent in the social economy components for a post-conflict, power sharing driven, transitional state. Nepal needs to make sure that these suggestions are effectively implemented at the central and the local levels, through effective policies and resource allocation, in order to reconsolidate the progressive economic values envisioned in the constitution.
In terms of socio-economic development, an immediate focus should be granted to the tourism and agriculture sectors. These sectors form two major elements consisting of revenue generating industries with multiplier effects on the economy including income generation, employment creation and growth of overall GDP of Nepal[34] Further, both of these sectors serve to enhance inclusion, eradicate gender disparities, and create institutions for participatory decision making process. Subsequently, labour market needs to be regulated adequately in order to provide equitable wage distribution to the workers. If implemented efficiently, this could curb the exodus of Nepali youths to foreign countries and boost the state’s human capital.
Conclusion
In essence, development processes seek to transform societies and this could put a post-conflict state in a precarious position of uncertainty. Therefore, it is imperative that whilst formulating a framework for sustainable development, the interventions must take into account the conflict dynamics. In Nepal’s context, the conflict arose as a result of the failure of the state to facilitate participatory development, equitable redistribution of resources and institutionalize democratic norms. These complexities need to be addressed, at an initial phase, through devolution of powers, proportional representation, democratic governance and delegation of decisions making powers at all levels.
Once these sensitivities are addressed, the state can proceed with proliferation of social economy initiative designed to ameliorate the anomalies inherent in the private and the public sector. The Interim Constitution certainly lays down the foundation for the sort of social economy that Nepal needs to build on in the new constitution.
(This paper has been revised upon the comments on the initial paper by Professor Taehi Hwan, Department of Law, Sungshin University and others.)
* The author thanks Mr Namit Wagley at Nepal Constitution Foundation for his research assistance in preparing this paper.
[1] LEVESQUE, B., MALO, M. and GIRARD, J. (1999) L’ancienne et la nouvelle economie sociale, in: J. DEFOURNY, P. DEVELTERE and B. FONTENEAU (Eds) L’economie sociale au Nord et au Sud, pp. 195 – 216. Paris: De Boeck & Larcier
[2] Moulaert, Frank, and Oana Ailenei. “Social economy, third sector and solidarity relations: a conceptual synthesis from history to present.” Urban studies 42.11 (2005): 2037-2053.
[3] Mouleart, ibid, pg. 2039
[4] Renfrew, Colin, Ian Todd, and Ruth Tringham. “Beyond a subsistence economy: The evolution of social organization in prehistoric Europe.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Supplementary Studies (1974): 69-95.
[5] International Labour Office. (2004). Social Protection for People in the Informal Economy of Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal.
[6] MOF, 2014. Economic Survey (fiscal year 2013/14). Ministry of Finance, Kathmandu, Nepal.
[7] Maskay, Bishwa K. (2015) “Political, economic and social power shift in Nepal must for societal change.” Telegraph Nepal available from < http://www.telegraphnepal.com/views/ 2015-03-05/political-economic-and-social- power-shift-in-nepal-must-for- societal-change.html> accessed on 03/05/2015
[8] Maskay, Bishwa K. (2015) “ Social Development in Nepal: Economic Perspective”, Telegraph Nepal available from <http://www. telegraphnepal.com/ national/2015-02-25/ social-development-in -nepal:-economic- perspective.html> accessed on 02/25/2015
[9] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007
[10] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 Part 4. Section 33 (b)
[11] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 Part 4. Section 33 (e)
[12] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 Part 4. Section 33 (i)
[13] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 Part 4. Section 34 (4)
[14] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 Part 4. Section 35 (9)
[15] Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 Part 4. Section 35 (22)
[16] Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 2006 Section 7.5
[17] Beard, Charles A. (1913). An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, New York: Macmillian Publishing Co, Inc.
[18] The constitutional economics debate is seen to transcend the orthodox view of economic analysis ofconstitutional frameworks in seeking alternative paradigms including compatibility and limitations between the economy in relation to constitution and political agents.
[19] Nepal Law Commission, (1992) “The Co-operatives Act.” Kathmandu, Nepal.
[20] Co-operative Principle, as devised by Paul Grice, refers to the social principle encompassing interactions between two or multiple participants to a conversation. Further, the cooperative principle describes how effective communication in conversation is achieved in common social situations. It is governed by the principles enshrined in the International Co-operative Alliance, 1995.
[21] Ministry of Finance. National Cooperative Development Board, (2010) Kathmandu, Nepal.
[22] On 29 March 2011, Spain published its Law on Social Economy (Law 5/2011) in the Boletín Oficial del Estado la Ley (Official Journal).
[23] Consumer Protection Act, 1998. Preamble. Kathmandu , Nepal.
[24] The Kingdom of Nepal submitted, on 24 March, its acceptance of the terms and conditions of membership set out in the Accession Protocol which was approved by the Ministerial Conference on 11 September 2003 and signed by the Kingdom of Nepal subject toratification. The Kingdom of Nepal became the 147th member of the WTO on 23 April 2004. Nepal is the first LDC to join the WTO through the full working party negotiation process.
[25] Competition Promotion and Market Protection Act, 2063 (2007). Preamble. Kathmandu. Nepal.
[26] Competition Promotion and Market Protection Act, 2063 (2007). Chapter 2 Section 3 (2). Kathmandu. Nepal.
[27] Competition Promotion and Market Protection Act, 2063 (2007). Chapter 3 Section 12. Kathmandu. Nepal.
[28] Competition Promotion and Market Protection Act, 2063 (2007). Chapter 4 Section 17-21. Kathmandu. Nepal.
[29] Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act, 1992. Preamble. Kathmandu, Nepal.
[30] Gautam R. (2004). “Competition Policy and Law in Nepal.” Ministry of Local Development, Kathmandu. Nepal.
[31] United Nations, (2013) “Nepal Millennium Development Goal: Progress Report 2013.” Available from < http://www.np.undp.org/ content/dam/nepal/docs/reports/millennium%20development%20goals/UNDP_NP_MDG_Report_2013.pdf> accessed on 05/03/2015
[32] Ibid., pg. 95
Dr Bipin Adhikari
28th to 29th March, 2015
South Asian Human Rights in Colombo
Srilanka
The Regional Consultation on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance being organized by South Asian Human Rights in Colombo, Sri Lanka on 28th to 29th March, 2015 with the underlying goal of mobilizing the ratification of International Conventions pertaining to Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance in the South Asian region is a very timely move. The consultation seeks to highlight the SAARC context and take stock of the challenges and breakthroughs in the current struggle against violations of human rights in general, identify trends and practices of advocacy and litigation strategies adopted by human rights defenders in the region, responses by States, national human rights institutions and Courts and the amelioration of the situation of the protection of HRDs in the region. The consultation seeks to bring together experts, human rights lawyers and defenders from the South Asian region with an aim to develop a long term agenda for regional action to strengthen civil society capacity regarding the protection of Human Rights in the South Asian Region.
The International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance defines enforced disappearance as –
“ the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protection of the law.”[1]
Enforced disappearance encompasses a wide array of human rights violations including right to security of the person, right to protection under the law, right to not be arbitrarily deprived of one’s liberty, recognition of legal personality of every human being, right to the truth in relation to enforced disappearances and the right to not be subjected to torture or other cruelties.[2] In addition, the violation of the right is not just limited to the victim. Enforced disappearances affect the families of the disappeared, societies and widespread abuses create a state of panic and terror. As per Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, enforced disappearance is regarded as “crime against humanity.”[3] Similarly, in Case of Goiburú et al. v. Paraguay, the American Court of Human Rights described as jus cogens those matters relating to enforced disappearance and the need for investigation and punishment for the crimes committed. [4]
In light of this, designed to establish a legally binding instrument governing enforced disappearances, the UN General Assembly adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance on Dec 20, 2006. Subsequently, the convention came into force on Dec 23, 2010. As per Article 1 of the Convention, “no one shall be subjected to enforced disappearance.” Further, the Convention states, “No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification for enforced disappearance.”[5]As of 2014, the Convention has so far been signed by 94 states and ratified by 45 countries.[6] Nepal is yet to ratify the Convention as of 24 March, 2015. India became signatory to the Convention in 2007, however, it has yet to ratify it. None of the other South Asian countries have signed or ratified it.
In terms of obligations of the State Parties, the Convention mandates the incorporation of specific laws establishing the crime of enforced disappearance in its respective national laws.[7] The Convention further mandates the investigation of complaints filed and provisions for “consequences” through appropriate penalties taking into account the grievous nature of the crime.[8] Moreover, the Convention mandates other preventive obligations including the provision to detain persons only in officially “recognized and supervised”[9] places, the non-derogable right to Habeas corpus as well as the right to information on the whereabouts of the prisoners. Furthermore, the Convention recognizes the right of victims and their families to know the truth regarding the circumstances and fate of the disappeared person. It also treats the unlawful abduction of children whose parents were victims of enforced disappearance as well as the faking of these children’s identities and their adoption.[10]
In terms of monitoring, the convention mandates the establishment of a monitoring committee to provide inter alia oversight to the implementation of the Convention and reconcile individual and inter-state complaints.[11] Further, the committee is granted powers to undertake field inquiries, initiate emergency actions as per the need and provide annual report containing, among others, widespread and systematic disappearance to the attention of the United Nations General Assembly.[12]
Nepal’s Context
Nepal has had a long history of disappearances carried out by the state stretching back to 1951. The disappearance cases of Ram Prasad Rai, Sukdev Singh[13] were the early known cases of arbitrary detention. The trend carried on, some suggest further increased, in the Panchayat era which lasted from 1961-1989. However, nothing quite captured the imagination of the whole world, in regards to the gross violation of human rights and enforced disappearances, as the decade long Maoist insurgency lasting from 1996 – 2006. During the conflict era, both the state parties and the armed insurgents were responsible for abduction, arbitrary detention and torture of over 3,000 victims.[14] The situation was further aggravated by rampant impunity, both legal and political, granted to the perpetrators. Moreover, as per the report of UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID), some 532 cases of enforced disappearances were transmitted to the Government of Nepal during the insurgency period.[15] Similarly, in that period, The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) registered about 2800 cases, of which 900 cases remain unresolved including cases pertaining to disappearances and abductions.[16] Further, the report containing the number of missing persons in the conflict period has been highlighted below in Table 1.0.
(This table has been formulated as per the reports of International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) contained in their website.)
|
YEAR |
MISSING PERSON |
|
2007
|
812 |
|
2008 |
1,227 |
|
2009 |
1,348 |
|
2010 |
1,391 |
|
2011 |
1,383 |
|
2012 |
1,401 |
|
2013
Table 1.0 |
1,360 |
The armed conflict came to an end in 2006 with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement which laid the foundations for peace, including, albeit not exclusively, provisions for the disclosure of the status of detainees and their subsequent release within 15 days. Also, as per point 5.2.3, the agreement mandated the release, within 60 days, of the details of people subjected to enforced disappearance and killed during the conflict and established the prerogative for the family members to get the information. Furthermore, the agreement sought to highlight the parties’ reaffirmation of their commitment to respect and protect human rights and humanitarian law.
Also, through the agreement, the parties expressed their commitment to justice, initiation of investigation “against any individual involved in violating the rights mentioned in the agreement”[17]and framework for appropriate remedies, including formation of Truth and Reconciliation Commission[18], ensuring the protection of victim’s rights and discouraging impunity.
In terms of reparation and rehabilitation of victims, the Interim Constitution, 2007 established measures to “to provide relief to the families of the victims, on the basis of the report of the investigation commission constituted to investigate the cases of disappearances made during the course of the conflict.”[19] In addition, in the past, the Supreme Court has issued landmark rulings on a number of enforced disappearance cases, including 80 habeas corpus writs.[20] In the case of Rajendra Dhakal and Others v. the Government of Nepal, the court issued directive orders, inter alia, for the Government to enact legislation consistent with international law that would criminalize enforced disappearance, and establish a high level ‘Investigation Commission for Disappeared Persons’ for inquiry into past enforced disappearances. The Court also ordered the provision of interim relief to the families of the victims without prejudice to the final outcome of these cases.[21]
In its verdict the court stated: “it is necessary to urgently enact a law which includes provisions that the act of disappearance is a criminal offence, defining the act of disappearance pursuant to the definition stated in the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006.”[22] The Court order also stated that these measures should conform to the international standards as provided in “the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 1992, and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006.”[23] Further, the Court stated that the law must incorporate provisions, among others, on the rights of detainees; judicial remedies available to both detainees and family members; the right to compensation; a flexible statute of limitations; an appropriate complaint filing system regarding cases related to arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance; the requirement of formal detention centers with adequate record keeping; the right of families to know all conditions of the detainee and the implementation of a process to ensure that detainees who were said to have been released were, in fact, released.
In light of the court’s verdict and an urgent need to address the issues pertaining to enforced disappearances, the Government brought forward the Bill on Enforced Disappearance (Crime and Punishment) Act, 2008 in the parliament. The bill sought to criminalize the act of enforced disappearance and established a Commission of Inquiry to address past violations. While the Bill was a considerable improvement over the previous version, it did not fully comply with Nepal’s obligations under international law and the Supreme Court guidelines, as per ICJ’s letter to the Chairperson of Constituent Assembly.[24] The bill was passed in an undemocratic matter through an executive ordinance bypassing the parliament in 2009.
The instrument was met with massive disapprovals throughout the state with wide discontent as regards to the provisions and its incompatibility to the international law principles, Supreme Court mandate and the spirit of the Constitution. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), in their report to the Chairperson of the CA, provided point wise suggestions for reform of the bill. It included, inter alia, provisions to change the definition of the Ordinance to better reflect international standards, induction of enforced disappearance as crimes against humanity in national legislation, expansion of the limitation period, reformation of criminal responsibility and expansion of remedies to better reflect the seriousness of the crime.[25]
In addition, the recommendations included measures to reform the National Commission on Enforced Disappearance as envisioned in the Ordinance, including expansion of the mandate of the Commission, delineation of the roles of state institutions, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) vis a vis the Commission, description of the handling of evidence and witnesses between the Commission, courts and the state prosecutors, independent and transparent nature of Commission recruitment and provide adequate measures for witness protection. [26]
Applicable International Law
The following table, titled Table 2.0, is derived out of the report from the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) “Nepal Conflict Report”.[27]
Table 2.0
|
PARTIES TO THE CONFLICT (FEB1996-NOV 2006) |
NEPAL: PARTY TO THE CORE HUMAN RIGHTS PRINCIPLES DURING CONFLICT |
APPLICABLE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS |
|
i. The Royal Nepalese Army ii. Nepal Police iii. Armed Police Force iv. Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) |
i. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) ii. Convention on Rights of the Child (CRC) iii. Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) iv. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) |
i. The right to life: Article 6, ICCPR ii. The right to liberty and security of the person: Article 9, ICCPR iii. The right to freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment or treatment: Article 7, ICCPR and articles 2 & 16 CAT iv. The right to the be free from sexual violence: CAT and CEDAW v. The right to peaceful assembly: Article 21, ICCPR vi. The right of children to special protection in armed conflict, including a prohibition on their recruitment into the armed forces: Article 38, CRC |
Impunity Culture:
As mentioned above, there have been many incidences of arbitrary arrest, disappearances, unlawful killings and torture in Nepal during the conflict era. However, there have been massive delays in the decision making process granting widespread immunity to war time perpetrators and compromising the overall reconciliation and peace process. The status of monitored and investigated complaints, as per NHRC, yet unresolved are as follows in Table 2.0:
Table 2.0
(This report is based on the press conference conducted by NHRC on “The status of the implementation of the recommendation of the National Human Rights Commission and the Impunity.”)
|
S.N. |
Issues |
No. of files at the final stage for decision making |
|
1 |
Extrajudicial killings by the security forces |
28 |
|
2 |
Killings by the Maoist |
14 |
|
3 |
Disappearance by the security forces |
337 |
|
4 |
Capture/Abduction by the Maoist |
279 |
|
5 |
Torture by the Security Forces |
11 |
|
6 |
Torture by the Maoist |
1 |
|
7 |
Threats by the Security Forces |
18 |
|
8 |
Threats by the Maoist |
21 |
|
9 |
Threats from other groups |
8 |
|
10 |
Displaced Persons |
36 |
|
11 |
Economic, social and cultural rights |
12 |
|
12 |
Child rights |
19 |
|
13 |
Regarding justice |
29 |
|
14 |
Illegal detention |
19 |
|
15 |
Discrimination |
2 |
|
16 |
Others |
39 |
|
|
Total |
870 |
In the case of Govind Prasad Sharma v Attorney General of Nepal,[28] there was a writ petition seeking Supreme Court’s intervention against Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai and Attorney General Mukti Narayan Pradhan for their ‘unconstitutional intrusion into judicial matters’ in their bid to halt the investigation and interrogation process of Dailekh-based journalist Dekendra Raj Thapa’s murder. The petitioners argued that the orders provided by the Prime Minister and Attorney General to a halt the investigation process on the murder of Dekendra Thapa amounted to misuse of authority, obstruction of justice and action against the Interim Constitution, 2007.
In this case, a Dailekh District Court had remanded, subsequent to their arrest, Lakshiram Gharti, Harilal Pun Magar, Bir Bahadur KC, Nir Bahadur Gharti Magar and Jay Bahadur to judicial custody as Lakshiram Gharti had confessed to being a part of the crime committed on August 11, 2004. However, citing influence from higher-up, the interrogation process was halted. Subsequently, The Office of the Attorney General had sent a directive to the Dailekh Police and District Office of Attorney directing them not to proceed with legal action in Thapa’s murder case.
In light of this, the petitioners argued that the defendant authorities had misused their powers in halting the interrogation process and releasing the accused from judicial custody. In addition, there was a high possibility for tampering of evidences due to the highly politicized nature of the murder. Thus, the petitioners further sought immediate apex court intervention through stay order. According to the petitioners, the attorney general’s written order indicated a clear misuse of power and also amounted to obstruction of justice. Thus, the petitioners sought a Supreme Court order directing the lower courts to reprimand the defendant authorities. The petitioners alleged that the defendant authorities had misused power even though it was their duty to arrest the accused and protect evidences, to search and arrest perpetrators of crime, detain suspects and file charge sheet as per the Government Cases Act, 2049.
Proximately, the petitioners argued that the AG is the final authority that decides whether or not to prosecute any case in a court of law as per Article 135 of the Constitution. However, the chief legal adviser of the government does extend to the right to intervene in any ongoing investigation. Moreover, Article 13 (2) of the Interim Constitution, which promoted equality before the law, states: “The State shall not discriminate against citizens among citizens on grounds of religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, origin, language or ideological conviction or any of these”. In light of this, the petitioners argued that the remanded party cadres should not hold any special privileges to escape the regular criminal justice system.
Further, citing an SC order on Sushil Pyakurel vs Agni Prasad Sapkota case, which states that investigation and prosecution of murder cases cannot be stopped only by citing the yet to be formed transitional justice mechanism, the petitioners sought apex court intervention. In response, the defendants argued that as per the Interim Constitution and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), war-era crimes fall under the jurisdiction of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and that they should not be dealt with by the regular criminal justice system.
In its decision, a division bench of Justices Ram Kumar Shah and Gyanendra Karki issued ordered that prosecution against those accused in the Dekendra murder case should go ahead regardless of the TRC’s existence. Furthermore, the bench, in devising a verdict, claimed that investigations into criminal cases must not be halted by citing the impending TRC as envisioned in the Interim Constitution, 2007 and the CPA. The court maintained that since the much anticipated reconciliation mechanisms were yet to materialize, regular criminal procedure could not, in the mean time, remain ineffective in relation to investigation and prosecution of conflict-era cases.
Moreover, the court also ruled that AG cannot interfere in the work carried by his subordinates until they continue to have the power delegated to them by the government’s legal chief. The court order also mentions that prosecuting (district attorney) and investigating (police) authorities are separate and independent entities and there can be no meddling in their job. The Constitution provisions the AG as the last authority to decide whether a case would be filed in the court, the court stated, but such decisions from the government’s chief legal advisor cannot be arbitrary and has to be based on findings of an impartial investigation. Even though the AG is appointed by the President on the recommendation of the prime minister, it is important that any person holding public office remains loyal to the constitution and not to the one who appointed him.
The Current Status
In March 2013 controversial TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission) legislation was opaquely pushed through. It merged the TRC and Disappearance commissions and, despite CPA and international legal obligations, gave wide scope for arbitrary decisions on amnesty even for serious crimes. The Supreme Court suspended it two weeks later, responding to wide civil society criticism and petitioners demanding public consultation and restriction of amnesty powers.[29]
The January 2014 Supreme Court ruling then fully overturned this legislation.[30] This limited amnesty provisions, separated the TRC and disappearance commission to ensure their effective implementation, made suspected human rights violators ineligible for commission appointment, and reduced the politically-appointed Attorney General’s discretionary power to decide on prosecution.
These were important decisions for transitional justice and independent investigation, and their passing early in the new Constituent Assembly’s tenure put the long-neglected issue into fresh focus. Civil society, legal professionals, and victims’ groups, have also made repeated public demands for truth and justice, and maintained pressure with protests and efforts to record testimonies of abuses.
Suggestion for Reform
There should be an initiation at a regional level, namely SAARC, for discussion of the serious violations of Human Rights, including enforced disappearances to provide momentum to the regional co-operation in regards to the prevention and protection of human rights standards. Enforced disappearance is but one of many prevalent human rights issues across the South Asian region and a regional level discussion will also provide impetus to international community and national institutions to initiate reformatory works and advocacy on the measures to curb the abuses.
A regional mechanism could be developed to address violations of human rights. Similar to the Asian Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), SAARC could develop a regional charter to promote and protect human rights and facilitate regional cooperation on human rights in its member states. Such a mechanism would strengthen coordination amongst national human rights institutions and create pressure on member states to implement recommendations and respect peoples’ dignity. This type of mechanism can help local organizations raise their concerns regionally. Around the issue of enforced disappearances, many family associations have no access to justice and national remedies in Sri Lanka, Nepal, India, and elsewhere; a regional mechanism could move to fill this void.
Further, the heads of state and government must commit to ratifying the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. As mentioned above, Nepal’s Supreme Court, in two historic rulings (June 1, 2007 and January 2, 2014) directed the Government of Nepal to establish a Commission of Inquiry on Disappearances based on international norms of human rights law and on the UN convention on enforced disappearances. However, the new disappearance legislation fails to define enforced disappearance as a crime against humanity and the UN convention on disappearances remains un-ratified. Ratification of the convention would support the national process to adopt international norms and open a door to international justice.
A regional model of truth and justice to build trust both nationally and regionally could be established. Addressing disappeared families’ demands and dealing with the past can be a common agenda that can connect states and sentiments of peoples. Families of the disappeared in all countries face similar problems and challenges. The desire for truth, justice, and reparations are universal, as is the need for a policy to support victim livelihoods through education, employment, social entrepreneurship, health, psychosocial, and memory initiatives. To end impunity and reduce future violations, the upcoming commissions in member states can be lessons that can build trust and expertise at the national and regional level, and strengthen regional connectivity on human rights.
Similarly, Nepal can seek resource and training support from national as well as non-governmental institutions in countries that have successfully ratified the Convention on enforced disappearances. This will provide Nepal with the necessary know how to establish institutions, monitor and learn from the experiences of states already involved in the reconciliatory transitional justice process.
Conclusion
Nepal is obliged to take adequate measures, whether legislative, executive or judicial to ensure the criminalization and punishment of enforced disappearance under international law. The reluctance of political parties to ratify the international Convention and establish appropriate justice mechanisms stems from their fear of being prosecuted for crimes committed during the insurgency period.
Eight years after the Maoists and the government signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and a Commission to Investigate Enforced Disappearances have finally been formed in Nepal. Several issues have been raised about the quality of some of the people appointed in these Commissions as commissioners. Besides, the SC has emphatically rejected any provision in the enabling Act that would allow conflict-era perpetrators to get away with their crimes. However, there has been little effort towards the revision of the provisions which have been declared ultra vires to the Constitution, and against the norms of transitional justice.
It must be noted here that many cases have been filed with the Supreme Court of Nepal by now, but no trials have been held and no one has been punished for their crimes. By and large, families have received no news or information concerning the whereabouts or fate of their loved ones. Some have received minimal monetary relief, but livelihood difficulties persist.
In light of this, it is imperative that Nepal revises justice mechanisms for the reconciliation of victims based on principles enshrined in international Conventions. At this critical juncture, we can ill afford to overlook just a serious crime and provide blanket amnesty to perpetrators.
+ Adhikari is associated with Kathmandu University School of Law. The author thanks Namit Wagley of Nepal Constitution Foundation for his research assistance to prepare this paper.
[1] Article 2. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[2] Scovazzi, Tullio, and Gabriella Citroni. The struggle against enforced disappearance and the 2007 United Nations Convention. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2007.
[3] Article 7. Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. 2002.
[4] Case of Goiburú et al. v. Paraguay, Judgment of September 22, 2006 (Merits, Reparations and Costs), Series C No. 153, para. 84.
[5] Article 1. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[6] United Nations Treaty Collection, International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2010. Available from <https://treaties.un.org/pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-16&chapter=4&lang=en> accessed 24th March, 2015.
[7] Article 4. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[8] Article 5 and Article 6. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[9] Article 17 (c). International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[10] Article 25. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[11] Part II. Article 26-36. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[12] Article 36. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, 2006
[13] Ram Prasad Rai was a protestor of Delhi Agreement signed in 1951. See. Enforced Disappearances in Nepal. Insec, Nepal available from < http://www.inseconline.org/pics/1292493203.pdf> accessed 23rd March, 2015.
[14] See. “DISAPPEARANCES IN NEPAL: ADDRESSING THE PAST, SECURING THE FUTURE.” International Commission of Jurists. (2009) available from < http://nepalconflictreport.ohchr.org/files/docs/2009-03-00_report_icj_eng.pdf> accessed on 24th March, 2015.
[15] Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, Human Rights Council, A/HRC/7/2, 10 January 2008, para 251, p. 59
[16] . “DISAPPEARANCES IN NEPAL: ADDRESSING THE PAST, SECURING THE FUTURE.” International Commission of Jurists. (2009). Ibid. pg 2.
[17] Point 7.1.3. Comprehensive Peace Accord, 2006.
[18] Point 8.4. Comprehensive Peace Accord, 2006.
[19] Article 33(q). Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007.
[20] ”DISAPPEARANCES IN NEPAL: ADDRESSING THE PAST, SECURING THE FUTURE.” International Commission of Jurists. (2009). Ibid. pg 3.
[21] Rajendra Dhakal and Others v. The Government of Nepal, writ no.3575, registration date Jan 21, 1999, decision June 1, 2007, known as “Disappearance case.”
[22] Ibid. Rajendra Dhakal and Others v. The Government of Nepal
[23] Ibid. Rajendra Dhakal and Others v. The Government of Nepal
[24] ICJ letter to the Speaker of the Interim Legislature-Parliament, 30 May 2007, available at: http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=4164&lang=en. Also see, OHCHR Comments and Recommendations on Disappearance and Abduction Bill, May 2007.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Ibid.
[27] OHCHR, (2012). Nepal Conflict Report: Executive Summary, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Geneva. Available from < http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/NP/OHCHR_ExecSumm_Nepal_Conflict_report2012.pdf> accessed on 23rd March, 2015.
[28] Govind Prasad Sharma v Attorney General of Nepal, Supreme Court of Nepal, 2013.
[29] Advocate Madhav Kumar Basnet v Honorable Chairperson, Government of Nepal, Interim Council of Ministers, Office of Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, Kathmandu (2014)
[30] Ibid. (2014)
राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीति अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक सिद्धान्तमा आधारित हुँदाहुँदै पनि यसबारे पर्याप्त अध्ययन भएको देखिँदैन। केही वर्षअघि एउटा कार्यक्रममा सहभागी हुन जाँदा सँगै गएका एक व्यवसायिक साथीलाई मैले सोधेको थिएँ– …नेपालको इतिहासमा सन् १९७६ केका लागि महत्वपूर्ण छ?’ उनले भने, …त्यही वर्ष चीनमा सांस्कृतिक क्रान्तिले विश्राम पाएको थियो।’ कुरा ठीकै थियो।
हाम्रो छिमेकमा वा बाँकी संसारमा हामीलाई चासो हुनसक्ने धेरै कुरा सन् १९७६ मा भएका होलान्। नेपालकै इतिहासको वा यहाँ गरिएका प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनहरुका सन्दर्भमा कुरा गर्दा सन् १९७६ जोडिएर आउने राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिको विशेष महत्व छ। यसै नीतिका कारण नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीति तथा बाह्य सुरक्षा संवेदनशीलताका सम्बन्धमा नेपालमा एउटा नयाँ दृष्टिकोण स्थापित हुन गएको थियो।
सन् १९७६ मा स्व. कोइराला नेपाली कांग्रेसको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिको घोषणा गर्दै निर्वासनबाट नेपाल फर्किनु भएको थियो। वहाँको भनाई के थियो भने प्रजातन्त्र पुनर्स्थापनाको लडाइँ नेपालको ठूलो चुनौती भए पनि हालमा त्योभन्दा पनि ठूलो चुनौती राष्ट्रिय स्वाधीनतामा देखा परेको संकट नै हो। देशमा रहेको आन्तरिक विवाद – विशेषगरी प्रजातन्त्रको पुनर्स्थापनाका सम्बन्धमा भएको संघर्ष – का कारण राष्ट्रिय शक्तिहरु छिन्नभिन्न हुँदा अराष्ट्रिय पक्ष एवम् वैदेशिक तत्वहरुबाट नेपालको राष्ट्रिय अखण्डता, यसको स्वतन्त्रता एवम् निरपेक्ष अस्तित्वमा खतरा उत्पन्न भएको वहाँको निष्कर्ष थियो।
नेपाल मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षाप्रति संवेदनशील हुँदै स्व. कोइरालाले घोषणा गर्नुभएको थियो – “राजासँगको जो हाम्रो संघर्ष छ, त्यसलाई सीमांकन गरौं। त्यसलाई परिसीमित गरौं। एउटा परिधि बनाइदिउँ। त्यस परिधिभित्र त्यस संघर्ष, विवाद र झगडालाई सीमित राखौं। बाहिरको खतरालाई हामीले ध्यान दिउँ। मलाई पहिले बाहिरको खतराको अनुभव हुँदैनथ्यो। तर अहिले त मलाई त्यसको धेरै अनुभव छ। पहिले राष्ट्रियताको प्रश्न दोस्रो महत्वको विषय थियो भने आज यो प्रथम महत्वको हुन आएको छ।” देशको सुरक्षाका लागि प्रजातन्त्रको पुनर्स्थापनाको लडाइँलाई वहाँले हालका लागि तामेलीमा राख्ने निर्णय लिनुभएको थियो। वहाँले प्रजातन्त्रका लागि लडेको लडाइँले कुनै वैदेशिक राष्ट्रको नेपालमा हस्तक्षेप गर्ने वा यसलाई आफ्नो नियन्त्रणमा राख्ने आधार तयार नगरोस् भन्ने चिन्ता वहाँमा टड्कारो देखिन्थ्यो। राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिको यो स्पष्ट पृष्ठभूमिको पछाडि कोइरालाका आफ्ना विश्लेषणहरु थिए। तर डिसेम्बर ३०, १९७६ मा वहाँले नेपाली जनतालाई गरेको अपीलमा ती सबै विश्लेषण खुलाइएका थिएनन्।
वास्तवमा सन् १९७० को पहिलो पाँच वर्ष शीतयुद्ध कालका सकसपूर्ण वर्षहरु थिए। सन् १९७१ को पूर्वी पाकिस्तानको मुक्ति युद्ध (लिवरेसन वार) पछि बंगलादेश स्वतन्त्र भयो। त्यहाँ अवामी लिगका शेख मुजिवर रहमानले सत्ताको बागडोर लिए। यो लडाइँलाई कोइरालाले पनि नैतिक समर्थन तथा हतियार समेतको सहयोग गर्नुभएको थियो । तर नवोदित बंगलादेश भारत–पाकिस्तान बीचको द्वन्द्वको गोटीका रुपमा प्रयोग हुन थाल्यो। यसै पृष्ठभूमिमा भारत–पाकिस्तान युद्ध भएको थियो। बीपीले यस सम्बन्धमा आफ्नो पीडा आत्मवृत्तान्तमा उल्लेख गर्नुभएको छ। यसैबेला युगाण्डामा दादा इदिअमिन्ले ‘कू’ गरी शक्ति हातमा लिएका थिए। उत्तर आयरल्याण्डमा बेलायती सेनाले आइरिसहरु माथि दमन गर्दै आम नरसंहार गर्न पुगेको थियो। यसलाई इतिहासमा ‘ब्लडी सन्डे म्यास्सेकर’ भनिन्छ। यसलगत्तै फिलिपिन्समा राष्ट्रपति फर्डिनान्ड मार्कोसले सैनिक शासनको सुरुवात् गरे।
यो अवधिमै युरोप र एसियाको बीचमा रहेको मुलुक टर्कीले साइप्रसलाई कब्जा गरी जबरजस्ती आफ्नो आधिपत्यमा ल्यायो। भारतले अनेक प्रपञ्च रची आफ्नो सानो उत्तरी छिमेकी सिक्किमलाई आफूमा विलय गर्यो। केही पर पूर्वी एसियामा इण्डोनेसियाले अर्को सानो मुलुक इस्ट टिमोरको त्यही हालत गर्यो। अमेरिकी सहयोगमा राजतन्त्रात्मक मुलुक इथियोपियाबाट राजतन्त्र हटाउने कार्यबाही पनि सुरु भयो। हटाइएका राजाको पछि हत्या गरिएको थियो। भियतनामी युद्धको समाप्तिपछि त्यहाँ संसारले युद्धको विभिषिकाको नारकीय स्वरुप पनि देख्यो। यसको छिमेकी कम्बोडियामा शक्तिराष्ट्रहरुको फोहरी उत्पादनको रुपमा माओवादी संगठन ‘खमेर रुज’ ले सत्ता कब्जा गर्यो तथा गृह युद्धको सुरुवात् गर्यो। उता चिनीया क्रान्ति सम्पन्न गर्दै आएका माओत्से तुङ्ग आफ्ना बेथितिहरु तह लगाउन नपाउँदै बित्न पुगे। यो सम्पूर्ण क्षेत्र नै अस्थिरताको त्रासमा थियो। सबैका कारण बाह्य थिए। आन्तरिक कारण गौण थियो।
वास्तवमा ठूला छिमेकी भारत र चीन बीच रहेको नेपालका लागि यी वर्षहरु अत्यन्त चुनौतीपूर्ण थिए। एक त मुलुकको अवस्थिति भीरमा फलेको फर्सी जस्तो थियो। अर्को छिमेकीहरु स्वराज प्राप्तिका लागि आन्दोलन गर्न सफल भए पनि देश चलाउने कुरामा आलाकाँचा नै थिए। चीनमा असफल हुन गएको सांस्कृतिक क्रान्ति र भारतको प्रजातन्त्रले जन्माएको इन्दिरा गान्धी यी दुई उदाहरण नै परिस्थिति बुझ्न काफी थिए। यस्तोमा विरोधी फालेर बलिया भएका नेपालका राजाले पनि मुलुकमा आफ्नो नियन्त्रण हराउँदै गएका थिए। नेपालको दरबार एवम् शक्ति संयन्त्रमा विदेशीहरुको प्रभाव चिन्ताको विषय बनेको थियो। विदेशमा बसी प्रजातन्त्रको पुनर्स्थापनाका लागि संघर्ष गरिरहेका कोइरालाका लागि आफ्नो आन्दोलन कसैको नेपाल विरुद्धको व्यूह रचनाको हतियार नबनोस् भन्ने चिन्ताको परिणति थियो – उक्त राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिको घोषणा। यसभन्दा बढी कोइरालाका मनमा केके थियो हामीसँग संसूचना छैन। तर राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षाको चिन्ता आफूलाई जस्तै राजालाई पनि अवश्य नै होला भन्ने निष्कर्षका आधारमा मुलुक जोगाउनका लागि सहकार्यको प्रस्ताव गर्दै बीपी स्वदेश फर्किनु भएको कुरा कोइरालाले पटकपटक उल्लेख गर्नुभएको छ। यो कुरामा राजालाई विश्वास दिलाउने, आन्तरिक मतभेदहरुको समाधान गरी राष्ट्रिय एकता स्थापना गर्ने तथा त्यसैका आधारमा प्रजातन्त्रलाई पुनर्स्थापना गराउने कुरा बीपीले आफ्ना अभिव्यक्तिहरुमा कतै लुकाएको देखिँदैन।
यहाँ के जोड्नु जरुरी छ भने जुन व्यक्तिसँग राष्ट्रवाद हुँदैन, उसले सुरक्षा नीतिको कुरा गर्दैन। नेपालको त्यस्तो परिस्थितिमा देशको सुरक्षाको कुरा गर्ने कोइराला आफू स्वयम् कति असुरक्षित हुनुहुन्थ्यो भनी अन्दाज मात्र गर्न सकिन्छ। वस्तुतः नेपालमा देश गलाउने वा बेचेर हिँड्नेहरु सँधै सुरक्षित रहँदै आएका छन्। सत्ता, सुविधा र प्रजातन्त्र उनीहरुलाई नै प्राप्त छ। त्यसैले नेपालका कतिपय नेताहरु तथा बीपीका आफ्नै मान्छेहरुले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिलाई बहसमा नल्याउन सफल भएको देखिन्छ। कसैले यसलाई भारतकी तात्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री इन्दिरा गान्धीको असहयोगका कारण बीपीले आफ्नो स्वदेश आगमनका लागि यस नीतिमार्फत केवल एउटा सैद्धान्तिक धरातलसम्म निर्माण गर्न खोजेका हुन् भनी (कू)तर्क गरेको पनि देखिन्छ।
त्यस्तै केहीको भनाईमा एउटा चलाख मान्छेले राजनीति गर्न सँधै सुरक्षित आवरणहरु खोज्दछ। बीपीले पनि असफलता हात लागेको आफ्नो जीन्दगीमा राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिमार्फत यही आवरण नै खोज्ने प्रयास गर्नुभएको थियो भन्ने मान्छेको पनि कमी छैन। त्यस्तै अपव्याख्याको क्रममा कतिपयले देशभित्रका सबै शक्तिहरु मिलेर प्रजातन्त्र जोगाउनुपर्छ, देशको विकास गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने नै राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीति हो भनिदिएका छन्। राष्ट्रमा आएको खतराको अनुभूतिलाई उनीहरु भारत विरोधी चिन्तन मान्दछन्। अन्य कतिपयलाई लाग्दछ, हामी बीपीका हुक्के, चम्चे, भान्छे, नातेदार, ताबेदार वा सहयात्री भएका कारणले उनको सैद्धान्तिक व्याख्या हामीले मात्र गर्न सक्दछौं। बीपीका विचारहरुमा बौद्धिकता छैन भन्ने कुरा पनि आएका छन्। कसैको व्यक्तित्वलाई विनाश गर्न गरिएका यस्ता राजकीय व्याख्याहरु संसारमा धेरै हेर्न पढ्न सकिन्छ। नेपालमा विभिन्न प्रकारका सेन्सरसीपहरु बहालमा छन् भन्ने कुरा हरेक पढेलेखेको स्वतन्त्र मान्छेले बुझेको कुरा हो। त्यसैले केही मान्छेले यस्तो प्रकारको बहस गरिनै रहनेछन्। त्यसमा आश्चर्य मान्नु पर्दैन। तर के बुझ्नु पर्दछ भने जुन परिवेशमा बीपीले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको घोषणा गर्नुभयो, त्यस परिवेशको आज पनि वस्तुगत अध्ययन गर्न सकिन्छ।
बीपीका समकक्षीहरु वा तात्कालीन विश्व मञ्चमा नाम चलेका नेताहरु जस्तो चीनका नेता माओत्से तुङ्ग, वा चाउ एन लाई, कम्बोडियाका नरोद्दोम सिंहानुक, सिंगापुरका लि क्वान यु, पाकिस्तानका याहया खान वा जुल्पि्ककार अलि भुट्टो, भारतकी इन्दिरा गान्धी, बंगलादेशका शेख मुजिवर रहमान लगायत त्यसबेलाका प्रसिद्ध अफ्रोएसियन नेताहरु – यी कसैले पनि कुनै परिस्थितिमा राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको कुरा गरेका थिएनन्। ठूलासाना धेरै देशहरु आन्तरिक द्वन्द्व र बाह्य अशान्तिबाट पीडित भइरहेका थिए। तर उनीहरुको राजनीतिशास्त्रमा यो रुपमा राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको कुरा कतै परेको देखिँदैन। झन् त्यसबेलाका शक्ति राष्ट्रहरुले यसको कुरा गर्ने त प्रसंग नै थिएन। त्यसैले तात्कालीन राजनीतिको लोकरञ्जक शब्द आडम्बरको सिको गरेर बीपीले मेलमिलापको कुरा गरेको होइन। यसको आधार नेपालको आन्तरिक सुरक्षाको प्रश्न नै थियो। एउटा प्रखर चिन्तकका रुपमा नेपालले भोग्न गइरहेको परिस्थितिको राम्रो विश्लेषणका कारण बीपीले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीति घोषणा गरी नेपालको सार्वभौमसत्तामा आसन्न खतराका सन्दर्भमा वहाँ कोसँग उभिनुभएको छ, प्रष्ट गर्नुभएको थियो। यो एउटा रणनीति मात्र थिएन। देशप्रतिको उत्तरदायित्व पनि थियो। यसलाई सिद्धान्तनिष्ठ बनाउन वा ‘थिओराइज’ गर्न त्यसबेला पनि नेपाली कांग्रेसले आँट गरेन, आज पनि गरेको छैन।
आज अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय परिस्थितिमा धेरै परिवर्तन आइसकेको छ। नेपालमै पनि राष्ट्रियताको सवालमा राजासँग उभिएको छु, उनीसँग मेरो गर्दन जोडिएको छ भन्ने बीपीको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा अवधारणा अब किनार लगाइएको छ। तर अन्य धेरै कमजोर मुलुकहरु बाँच्नका लागि लागि यस सिद्धान्तलाई अपनाउन तयार देखिँदैछन्। जस्तो धेरै वर्षदेखि युद्धपीडित देश सोमालियाले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको कुरा गर्दैछ। लिबिया र म्यानमारमा लामो लडाइँको इतिहास छैन। तर उनीहरुले बुझिसकेका छन्, उनीहरु बीचको घरेलु अशान्तिको कारण के हो? त्यो अशान्तिको ओखती उनीहरु राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापमा खोज्दैछन्। मालीका राष्ट्रपतिले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको कुरा गरेर हालै आफ्ना विरोधीहरुलाई चकित पारिदिएका छन्। श्रीलंकाका राष्ट्रपति राजपाक्षे साँच्चिकै बलिया मानिन्छन्। तमिलहरुलाई हतियार बनाई लडिएको लामो गृहयुद्धलाई एक झट्कामा बिसाएर उनले आफ्नो क्षमता देखाए। तर उनलाई पनि बाह्य शक्तिकै डर छ। सत्तामै बसीबसी राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको आव्हान गरेका छन्। इजिप्टका सरकारी तथा गैरसरकारी दुवै पक्षले बुझिसके कसका लागि इजिप्टमा रगतको खोलो बग्दैछ। आज मुस्लिम ब्रदरहुड समेतलाई मिलाएर राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप कायम गरी जानुपर्ने माग त्यहाँ सुनिन थालेको छ। आफ्नो राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिको बिजोग हेर्न बीपी हामीसमक्ष हुनुहुन्न। तर अब सोच्ने बेला आएको छ, हामीले के गर्ने? नेपालमा पनि धेरै परिवर्तनहरु भएका छन्। राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापका लागि होइन, राष्ट्रलाई सिद्धयाउनका लागि। यो पक्ष झन् खतरनाक पक्ष हो।
नेपाली जनतालाई के बुझाउन सकिएको छैन भने स्व. बीपी कोइरालाको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीतिको अहम् पक्ष भनेको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षाको खोज नै हो। ठूला मुलुकहरुको स्वार्थ भएको सानो मुलुक वा बलिया छिमेकीहरु भएका साना मुलुकहरु, विकसित हुन् वा अविकसित, उनीहरुको सुरक्षा संसारभरि चिन्ताको विषय भएको छ। प्रजातन्त्रका नाममा मुलुक खाने राजनीति अब जताततै प्रष्ट भइसकेका छन्। राष्ट्रियता विनाको प्रजातन्त्रको वकालत गरिँदैछ। त्यसैले बीपीको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप यति धेरै महत्वपूर्ण भएर आएको छ। तर यसलाई सो रुपमा बुझ्न दिइएको छैन। यसबारेमा सार्वजनिक चिन्ताको खाँचो छ।
आज बीपी कोइरालाको जन्मजयन्ती मनाउँदा एउटा कुरा राख्नै पर्ने भएको छ। राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको सन्दर्भमा बीपीको स्वामित्व हराएर जाने परिस्थिति भने छैन। जस्तो चौधौं वा पन्ध्रौं शताब्दिको पुनर्जागरण वा सत्रौं शताब्दिको ज्ञानोदय वा अझ भनौं भिक्टोरियन सभ्यताका शिखर व्यक्तित्वहरुको पश्चिमी सभ्यतामा भएको लगानी हराएको छैन नि ! यसलाई आज पनि स्कूलस्कूलमा पढिँदै र पढाइँदैछ।
त्यस्तै हामी आज अमेरिकाका नागरिक अधिकारका लडाकू मार्टिन लुथर किंग वा बेलायती साहित्यकार जर्ज अरवेलका बारेमा दुई शब्द बोल्न सक्दछौं। त्यस्तै नायिका मार्लिन मुनरो वा अर्थशास्त्री जोन किन्स् आज पनि हरेक पढेलेखेको मान्छेले सम्झिन्छन् । लुई पाश्चरका बारेमा बच्चाबच्चालाई थाहा छ। त्यस्तै बेलायती प्रधानमन्त्री विन्स्टल चर्चिल, महात्मा गान्धी वा जवाहरलाल नेहरुका बारेमा धेरैले लेख्न बोल्न सक्दछन्। यो किन सम्भव भयो भने कसैले तेरोमेरो वा जसअपजस नहेरी मेहनत गरी उनीहरुका बारेमा सही कुरा लेखिदिएका छन्।
चर्चिलको जीवनकथा रान्डोल्फ चर्चिलले तथा गान्धीको जीवनकथा लुई फिसरले नलेखिदिएको भए राजनीतिका स्वार्थ भएकाहरुले उनीहरुको कस्तो परिचय स्थापना गराउँथे, हामी अनुमान गर्न सक्दछौं। गान्धीका बारेमा पनि दर्जनौं पुस्तक लेखिएका छन्। किन होला गान्धीका बारेमा पढ्नु पर्यो भने मान्छे लुई फिसरले लेखेकै “द लाइफ अफ महात्मा गान्धी” भन्ने पुस्तक खोज्न पुग्दछन्। त्यस्तै बीपीका बारेमा धेरै लेखिएका छन्। तर बीपीको व्यक्तित्व र विचारको आधिकारिक पुस्तक भनेको वरिष्ठ अधिवक्ता गणेशराज शर्माद्वारा सम्पादित पुस्तकहरु नै हुन्। त्यसैले बीपीको सिद्धान्तमा दुविधा राख्नु जरुरी छैन। ती पुस्तकहरु रहुञ्जेलसम्म राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको सन्दर्भ हराउने छैन।
(संवैधानिक कानुनका विज्ञ अधिकारीले बीपी विचार राष्ट्रिय समाजद्वारा आयोजित बीपी स्मृति सभामा प्रस्तुत मन्तव्यको सम्पादित अंश)
Lecture Note of Dr Bipin Adhikari, National Law College, LL.M First Year, May 17, 2013.)
(Student notes /not to be quoted/cited for any purpose other than at classrooms)
The provision on amendment of the Constitution allows every constitution to keep with the requirements of change. This change may be necessary to adapting the constitution from time to time to new circumstances.
A Constitution is amended by informal as well as formal means. While the formal means is explained by the constitution itself, the informal amendment of the constitution occurs because of the power of the constitutional interpretation exercised by the judiciary, especially the Supreme Court. It is a slow and gradual process. It is haphazard also – because courts do not take initiatives themselves. Its contours are not pre-determined. Similarly, even where no judiciary is involved, it is possible for any provision of the constitution to be modified by the growth of conventions, practices and observances. It is also a slow process. The change comes about gradually affecting the written provisions of the constitution without visible modification on the face.
Formal Method
Article 148 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal states:
148. Amendment of the Constitution
(1) A Bill regarding amendment or repeal of any Article of the Constitution may be presented in the Legislature-Parliament.
(2) The Bill shall be deemed passed if the Bill so presented is approved by at least two-thirds majority of the total number of existing members.
Article 148 has the following features:
- It is possible to amend or repeal any ‘article’ of the Constitution.
- The word ‘article’ may mean any clause or stipulation under the article or any explanation, constitutional schedule or illustration attached to it. But this word does not mean the whole constitution in any sense.
- Therefore, it is not possible to abrogate the whole Constitution under Article 148 process of constitutional amendment.
- Article 148 maintains that if any article of the Constitution is to be amended, a Bill to this effect, must be presented to the legislature, which alone has the power to approve such amendment.
- It is possible for any member of the house to introduce such a Bill (even though it is not a government Bill).
- Whoever introduced it, its passage by at least a two-thirds majority in the house is the condition to get it on the Constitution.
- What is required is that the two thirds majority must be the two-thirds majority of the total number of existing members (not the members present and voting)
Article 116 of the 1990 Constitution had somewhat different arrangements:
116. Amendment of the Constitution
- A Bill to amend or repeal any Article of this Constitution, without prejudicing the spirit of the Preamble of this Constitution, may be introduced in either House of Parliament.
- Provided that this Article shall not be subject to amendment.
- If each House, with two thirds of its total membership attending, passes a Bill introduced pursuant to clause (1) by majority of at least two thirds of the members present, the Bill shall be submitted to His majesty for assent; and His Majesty may, within thirty days from the date of submission, either grant assent to such Bill or send the Bill back for reconsideration with His Message to the House where the Bill originated.
- A Bill sent back by His majesty pursuant to clause (2) above shall be reconsidered by both Houses of Parliament; and if both the Houses, upon following the procedures referred to in clause (2), resubmit the Bill in its original or an amended form to His Majesty for assent, His Majesty shall grant the assent to such Bill within thirty days of such submission.
Article 116 had the following important features:
- It is possible to amend or repeal any ‘article’ of the Constitution. But the proposed amendment must not “prejudice the spirit of the Preamble of this Constitution.”
- The preamble highlighted pledges on people as the source of sovereign authority; social political and economic justice; basic human rights, adult franchise, the parliamentary system of government, constitutional monarchy, the system of multiparty democracy, independence of judiciary, and the concept of the rule of law, to mention a few)
- The provision to allow a second thought on the amended article/s existed at the discretion of the King.
- Whoever introduced the Bill, its passage by at least a two-thirds majority of the members present in both the houses is the condition to get it on the Constitution. I
Doctrine of Implied Limitations
The doctrine of implied limitations on the amending power of the legislature is an established proposition in many jurisdictions which demands that although in principle a sovereign people always has the right to revise, reform or change its constitution, as one generation cannot subject future generation to its own laws, the original constituent power limits its own ability to exercise constitutional amendments in the future. [D. Conrad, Constituent Power, Amendment and Basic structure of the Constitution: A Critical Reconsideration, 6 & 7 Delhi Law Review 1, 14-15, 1977 & 78)
Amending power vested in a legislature, however, cannot be said to be merely another form of constituent power. The reason is that legislature does not have a special mandate for constitution making. The special mandate is not just one of the trappings, but has from the very beginning been held the essential criterion for an exercise of constituent power by representatives, and this for very practical reasons.
Direct transmission of the people’s constitution making will can only be ensured if neither in the election of disputes, nor in the work of the assemblies the longer range issues of constitutional plan are mixed with short term interests of power politics and government. Only this separation and clear identification of its constitution making function can justify the extraordinary powers conceded to a constituent assembly, e.g. the customary rule that it may settle the constitution by simple majority.
The accumulation of government and constituent function on the other hand, has always been feared to lead, and has led in history, to tyrannical results. In short, the concept of constituent power is part of the doctrine of separation of powers, and has historically been derived from a combination of Rousseau’s democratic radicalism with the liberal precepts of Montesquieu.
No confusion here with the Doctrine of Implied Powers, which in the US, are those powers which, while not stated in the Constitution, seem to be implied by powers expressly stated.
The classic statement of Hamilton that the “general welfare clause” and the “necessary and proper clause” gave elasticity to the constitution must be noted. Hamilton won the argument with Washington, who signed his Bank Bill into law. Later, directly borrowing from Hamilton, Chief Justice John Marshall invoked the implied powers of government in the court decision of McCulloch v. Maryland (1819).
In this case, the state of Maryland had attempted to impede operation of a branch of the Second Bank of the United States by imposing a tax on all notes of banks not chartered in Maryland. Though the law, by its language, was generally applicable to all banks not chartered in Maryland, the Second Bank of the United States was the only out-of-state bank then existing in Maryland, and the law was recognized in the court’s opinion as having specifically targeted the U.S. Bank.
The Court invoked the Necessary and Proper Clause of the Constitution, which allowed the Federal government to pass laws not expressly provided for in the Constitution’s list of express powers, provided those laws are in useful furtherance of the express powers of Congress under the Constitution. This case established two important principles in constitutional law. First, the Constitution grants to Congress implied powers for implementing the Constitution’s express powers, in order to create a functional national government. Second, state action may not impede valid constitutional exercises of power by the Federal government.
Indian Supreme Court – Basic Structure Doctrine
The Supreme Court of India maintains that the Constitution has certain basic features that cannot be altered or destroyed through amendments by the parliament. Key among these “basic features”, are the fundamental rights granted to individuals by the Constitution. The doctrine thus forms the basis of a limited power of the Indian Supreme Court to review and strike down constitutional amendments enacted by the parliament which conflict with or seek to alter this “basic structure” of the constitution.
The “basic features” principle was first expounded by Justice J.R. Mudholkar in his dissent in the case of Sajjan Singh v. State of Rajasthan (1965 AIR 845, 1965 SCR (1) 933). “It is also a matter for consideration whether making a change in a basic feature of the Constitution can be regarded merely as an amendment or would it be, in effect, rewriting a part of the Constitution; and if the latter, would it be within the purview of Article 368 ?”
By 1973, the basic structure doctrine triumphed in Justice HR Khanna’s judgment in the landmark decision of Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (AIR 1973 SC 1461). Previously, the Supreme Court had held that the power of parliament to amend the constitution was unfettered. However, in this landmark ruling, the court adjudicated that while parliament has “wide” powers, it did not have the power to destroy or emasculate the basic elements or fundamental features of the constitution.
Although Kesavananda was decided by a narrow margin of 7-6, the basic structure doctrine has since gained widespread acceptance and legitimacy due to subsequent cases and judgments. Primary among these was the imposition of a state of emergency by Indira Gandhi in 1975, and her subsequent attempt to suppress her prosecution through the 39th Amendment. When the Kesavananda case was decided, the underlying apprehension of the majority bench that elected representatives could not be trusted to act responsibly was perceived as unprecedented. However, the passage of the 39th Amendment by the Indian National Congress’ majority in central and state legislatures proved that in fact such apprehension was well-founded. In Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain, a Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court used the basic structure doctrine to strike down the 39th amendment and paved the way for restoration of Indian democracy.
The basic structure doctrine applies only to constitutional amendments. It does not apply to ordinary acts of parliament, which must conform to the entirety of the constitution; not just to its “basic structure”.
The basic structure doctrine was further clarified in Minerva Mills v. Union of India (AIR 1980 SC 1789). The Constitution (Forty-Second Amendment) Act had been enacted by the government of Indira Gandhi in response to the Kesavananda judgment in an effort to reduce the power of the judicial review of constitutional amendments by the Supreme Court. In the Minerva Mills case, Nani Palkhivala successfully moved the Supreme Court to declare sections 4 & 55 of the 42nd amendment as unconstitutional.
Chief Justice Yeshwant Vishnu Chandrachud explained in the Minerva Mills judgment that since the power of Parliament to amend the constitution was limited, as had been previously held through the basic structure doctrine in the Kesavananda case, the parliament could not by amending the constitution convert this limited power into an unlimited power (as it had purported to do by the 42nd amendment).
In addition, the court also ruled that the parliament’s “power to amend is not a power to destroy.” Thus the parliament did not have the power emasculate the fundamental rights of individuals, such as the right to liberty and equality. This latter view of Article 31C was questioned, but not overturned, in Sanjeev Coke Manufacturing Co v Bharat Cooking Coal Ltd (AIR 1983 SC 239).
Constitutional Amendment without Prejudicing the Preamble
Article 116 of the 1990 Constitution and its link with the Preamble was one step forward in the basic structure doctrine. While principles remain the same, the spirit of the Constitution must be discovered from the Preamble, and not outside it. While the ‘preamble’ was made not amendable, making sure that it is never trampled with, any article of the Constitution except this enable Article was subject to amendment. Some people criticized this provision because it also protected the institution of monarchy (which was explicitly mentioned in the Preamble as one of the features of the constitutional system).
Article 148 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal
Article 148 does not put any express limitation on the power of constitutional amendment. There is a clear and deliberate effort by the Interim Constitution to depart from the jurisprudence of Article116, or the amendment without prejudicing the spirit of the preamble. However, the jurisprudence of difference between constituent power and power to amend the constitution, which has now evolved, remains a fact of Nepal’s constitutional law.
(बि.पि. चिन्तन प्रतिष्ठान केन्द्रीय समितिद्वारा चैत ८–२०, २०६९ मा आयोजित कार्यशाला गोष्ठीको चैत २० गतेको सत्रमा डा. विपिन अधिकारीद्वारा प्रस्तुत विश्लेषण)
प्रजातन्त्रको दिशाबोधको विषयलाई लिएर आयोजित यो कार्यक्रममा मेरो प्रस्तुति राखिदिनुभएकोमा बि.पि. चिन्तन प्रतिष्ठानका सभापति हरिबोल भट्टराईलाई धन्यवाद दिन चाहन्छु । यो कार्यक्रम बारे मलाई अग्रीम सूचना थिएन । यहाँ आएपछि मात्रै बिपी कोइरालाको प्रजातान्त्रिक आदर्शका आधारमा नेपालको नयाँ संविधान कस्तो हुनुपर्छ भन्ने विषयमा आफ्नो धारणा प्रस्तुत गर्नुपर्ने भन्ने कुराको जानकारी मैले पाएँ । हामीले पटकपटक यस बारे कुरा गरेका छौं । म आफ्नो केही विचार यहाँ अवश्य प्रस्तुत गर्नेछु ।
संविधानसभाले संविधान निर्माणको कार्य थालनी गरेको ११औं महिनामा मैले पनि एउटा नमुना संविधान मस्यौदा गरी संविधानसभामा पु¥याएको थिएँ । ११ महिना बितिसक्दा पनि नेपालका लागि कस्तो संविधान सही हुन्छ भन्ने बारे संविधानसभाका विभिन्न दलहरुले कुनै धारणा बनाउन सकेका थिएनन् । संविधानवाद र कानुनको शासनलाई मूल आधार बनाई यस बारे पर्याप्त रुपमा छलफल पनि हुन सकेको थिएन । संविधानसभामा भएका दलहरु एकअर्कामा प्रशस्त विभाजित थिए । दलहरुका बीच मुलुकलाई कसरी असल संविधान प्रदान गर्ने भन्दा पनि अन्य विषयवस्तुहरु नै छलफलको विषय बन्ने गरेको थियो । यसमा विधिशास्त्रीय दृष्टिकोणको नितान्त अभाव देखिन्थ्यो । देश हावादारी कुराले रणभूल्लमा परेको थियो । यो पृष्ठभूमिमा एउटा नमुना संविधानको मस्यौदा सार्वजनिक गर्नुको एउटा उद्देश्य थियो । त्यो उद्देश्य भनेको एउटा विज्ञले हेर्दा संविधानसभाबाट कस्तो संविधान आउँदा हाम्रो संवैधानिक विकासको क्रमलाई हामी अगाडि बढाउन सक्छौं ? केकस्ता कुरा आफ्नो विगतका अनुभवबाट सिक्न सक्छौं ? केकस्ता कुरा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय अनुभवबाट लिन सक्छौं ? भन्ने थियो । यसका साथसाथै अन्तरिम संविधानले उल्लेख गरे बमोजिम कसरी राज्य पुनर्सरचना गर्दा मुलुकका कमजोर एवम् वञ्चितिकरण खपेका अधिकांश जनताहरुको सशक्तिकरण हुन्छ र देशमा विद्यमान कानुनको समान संरक्षण एवम् समावेशिकरणको मागलाई कसरी नयाँ संविधानद्वारा संस्थागत गर्न सकिन्छ भन्ने उद्देश्य राखिएको थियो । त्यसैले काम सुरु गर्न ढिलाई भइरहेको अवस्थामा यो नमुना संविधानले संविधानसभाका कतिपय सभासद्हरुलाई एउटा टेम्प्लेट प्रदान गरेको थियो ।
नयाँ संविधानका लागि प्रस्ताव गरिएको उक्त नमुना संविधान वस्तुतः प्रजातान्त्रिक दर्शनमा आधारित संविधान थियो । आजको विश्व परिस्थितिमा प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्यमान्यतालाई थान्को लगाई नयाँ संविधान लेख्ने भनेर सोचिनु हुँदैन । संविधानले जनताको सार्वभौमसत्ता, सार्वभौमसत्ताको प्रयोगमा सरकारको निर्माण, जनताप्रति उत्तरदायी सरकार, आवधिक निर्वाचन, जननिर्वाचित विधायिका, संविधानद्वारा नै सुनिश्चित गरिएका मौलिक अधिकारहरु एवम् स्वतन्त्र न्यायपालिकाका सिद्धान्तहरुलाई सुरक्षित राख्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । यसका लागि निर्वाचित नै भए पनि कार्यपालिका एवम् व्यवस्थापिकाका शक्तिहरु संविधानद्वारा सीमित हुनुपर्दछ । प्रत्येक शासकीय कामकारबाहीको वैधानिकतालाई चुनौती दिने अधिकार नागरिकले प्राप्त गर्नुपर्दछ । मौलिक अधिकारको उल्लंघनका विरुद्ध अदालतको ढोका खुला हुनुपर्दछ । कानुनको शासन (रुल अफ ल) भनेको वैध कानुनको शासन हो र संविधानवाद भनेको वैध कानुनको निर्माण वा प्रशासन संविधानद्वारा घोषित सिद्धान्तबमोजिम भएको हुनुपर्दछ । प्रत्येक प्रजातान्त्रिक संविधानका विशेषताहरु यिनै हुन् ।
उपरोक्त सिद्धान्तहरुकै आधारमा नमुना संविधानको मस्यौदा गरिएको थियो । त्यसमार्फत नेपालले प्रयोग गर्दै आएको संसदीय प्रणालीलाई अलिकति छरितो बनाउन खोजिएको थियो । मन्त्रिपरिषद्का सदस्यहरुका लागि आचारसंहिताको व्यवस्था, राजनैतिक दलहरुको क्याम्पेन फाइनान्स् तथा आय र व्यय सम्बन्धी विषयमा पारदर्शिता, केही नयाँ मौलिक अधिकारहरुको व्यवस्था, निर्देशक सिद्धान्तहरुलाई अझ बलियो बनाउने प्रयास इत्यादि नमुना संविधानका नयाँ व्यवस्थाहरु थिए । मौलिक हकहरुका सम्बन्धमा समावेशिकरणको उद्देश्य प्राप्त हुनेगरी व्यवस्था गरिएको थियो । आरक्षणको व्यवस्थालाई स्वीकार गरिएको थियो । राज्य पुनर्संरचना गर्ने उद्देश्यले जिल्ला इकाइहरु कायमै राखी मुलुकलाई सातवटा प्रदेशमा विभाजन गरिएको थियो । संविधान अन्तर्गत सबै प्रदेशहरुलाई स्वायत्त अधिकारहरु प्रदान गरिएका थिए । पहिचानलाई प्राथमिकता दिँदै सम्पूर्ण नेपाली अटाउन सक्ने प्रादेशिकरणको व्यवस्था यसमा थियो । स्थानीय रुपमा आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार प्रदान गरिएको थियो । निर्वाचन प्रणालीलाई समावेशिकरण गरिएको थियो । अन्य विशेषताहरु २०४७ सालको संविधान बमोजिम नै थिए । यी व्यवस्थाहरु भविष्यमुखी थिए । उक्त नमुना संविधानमा श्री ५ पृथ्वीनारायण शाहलाई राष्ट्रिय एकताको प्रतीकको रुपमा प्रस्तावनामै उल्लेख गरिएको थियो । तर मुलुक धर्मनिरपेक्ष हुनुका साथसाथै सबै जाति, भाषा, क्षेत्रहरुको समान संरक्षणमा आधारित थियो । मूलतः यसको उद्देश्य नेपालमा संविधान निर्माणका सन्दर्भमा संविधानसभाभित्र र बाहिर हुँदै गरेका कार्यलाई एउटा बृहत र प्रजातान्त्रिक टेम्प्लेट प्रदान गर्नु थियो ।
तर नेपालको संविधानसभा एवम् यसमा भएका राजनैतिक दलहरुले एउटा प्रजातान्त्रिक संविधानको रचना गर्नका लागि जुन स्तरको क्षमता र प्रतिबद्धता देखाउन सक्नुपथ्र्यो, त्यो देखाउन सकेनन् । फलस्वरुप यो संविधानसभा सबैलाई आन्दोलित गर्दै आफ्नो उद्देश्य पूरा गर्न नसकी आफूचाहिँ बिदा भयो । वास्तवमा संविधानसभाबाट संविधान बनाउनु आफैंमा एउटा चुनौतीपूर्ण कार्य हो । यसका लागि प्रजातन्त्रप्रतिको निष्ठा र राष्ट्रवाद प्रतिको प्रतिबद्धता सबैभन्दा जरुरी हुन्थ्यो । दुवैमा संविधानसभा चुक्यो । नेपालको भूराजनैतिक परिस्थिति अनुकुल रहेन । नेपालका आन्तरिक संवैधानिक प्रश्नहरु प्रकारान्तरले हाम्रा छिमेकी मुलुकहरुसँग सम्बन्धित भइआए । राजनैतिक प्रक्रियाको स्वायत्तता पनि रहन सकेन । देश शीतयुद्धको भूमरीमा परेको आभाष हुन थाल्यो । सबैलाई लाग्यो नयाँ संविधान आयो भने नेपाल रहने छैन । नेपालका मूल राजनैतिक दलहरुको सोचाई पनि अन्ततः त्यस्तै थियो । त्यसैकारणले गर्दा मुखले जे बोले पनि मनपेटले उनीहरुले यो प्रक्रियालाई साथ दिन सकेनन् । यदि देश बनाउने उद्देश्यमात्र भएको भए विभिन्न राजनैतिक दलहरुबीच यति विघ्न विरोधाभाष हुनु जरुरी थिएन । तर संविधानको नाममा नेपाललाई बाह्य शक्तिहरुको अनुकूल बनाउने प्रयास बुझ्न सकिने तर्क होइन ।
यो प्रसंगलाई म नेपाल रुपी राष्ट्रनिर्माणका केही अन्तरंग राष्ट्रिय अनुभूतिहरुसँग जोड्न चाहन्छु । नेपाल संसारको सबैभन्दा प्राचीनतम देशहरुमा पर्दछ । यो हिमवत् खण्डलाई नेपालीहरुले कम्तिमा पनि १७०० वर्ष देखि राज्य गरेको त लिखित इतिहास नै छ । त्यसभन्दा अगाडि पनि नेपाल अस्तित्वमा थियो र यसको पहिचान थियो भन्ने कुरामा शंका छैन । कम्तिमा पनि इसापूर्व लेखिएका वेद, पुराण तथा अन्य ग्रन्थहरुले त्यस्तै देखाउँछन् । नेपालले त्यसबेलादेखि नै आफ्नो सार्वभौमसत्ता तथा स्वतन्त्रताको लडाइँ लड्दै आएको छ । लिच्छवी कालमा नेपाल धेरै ठूलो र बलियो थियो । पछि आएर यसको खण्डिकरण भयो । तर मुलुकको पहिचानमा धेरै फेरबदल आएन । यही पृष्ठभूमिमै नेपाललाई पुनः एकीकरण गर्ने प्रयासहरु पटकपटक हुँदै आए । गोर्खाका राजा रामशाहले पनि नेपालको एकीकरणको चाहना राखेका थिए । त्यस्तै राजा प्रताप मल्लले यसका लागि धेरै लडाइँ लडे । वास्तवमा कान्तिपुरका राजा प्रताप मल्लसँग अथाह सम्पत्ति थियो । उनले नेपाललाई एउटा नमुना मुलुक बनाइसकेका थिए । तर नेपाल एकीकरण केवल पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले मात्र गर्न सके ।
पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको गोर्खा प्रताप मल्लको कान्तिपुर जति बलियो थिएन । तर उनी प्रताप मल्लभन्दा बढी रणकौशल देखिए । नेपालको एकीकरणको आधार राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा नै थियो । जसले भोट (तिब्बत) लगायत मध्य एसिया तथा दक्षिण एसियाका बीचमा सेतुको काम ग¥यो, बन्दव्यापार, उद्योग र आयात निर्यातबाट उसैले राजश्व आर्जन गर्न सक्दथ्यो । यो बाटो जसले आफ्नो नियन्त्रणमा राख्दथ्यो, उसले नै दक्षिण र उत्तरसँग जुध्ने सामरिक हैसियत प्राप्त गर्न सक्दथ्यो । यस अर्थमा पृथ्वीनारायण शाह भाग्यमानी पनि देखिए । उनीसँग राष्ट्रिय सोच थियो । अदम्य साहस पनि थियो । उत्तरका मञ्चु वंशका चिनीया शासक तथा दक्षिणका मुगल दुवैलाई पत्तो नदिई उनले नेपाल एकीकरणको काम सम्पन्न गरे ।
नेपालको एकीकरणले नेपाललाई पुनः लिच्छवीकालझैं एउटा शक्तिशाली मुलुकमा परिणत ग¥यो । पूर्व र पश्चिम दुवैतर्फ एउटा विशाल भूभाग नेपालमा मिल्न आयो । योसँग राजा रामशाह जस्तो सुधारात्मक प्रवृत्ति र राजा प्रताप मल्ल जस्तो मुलुक वैभवशाली बनाउने योजना थियो । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहका छोरा बहादुर शाह अर्का होनहार व्यक्ति थिए । नेपालको एकीकरणमा उनले नयाँ आयाम थपे । तर विशाल नेपालको क्षमतासँग भारतमा बलियो हुँदै आएका इस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनीका शासकहरु खुशी थिएनन् । उनीहरु नेपालसरकारले भारत चीन बीचको पारवहन नाकाका रुपमा हेर्न चाहँदैन थिए । विभिन्न टोलीहरु नेपालमा पठाइएका थिए । तर सीमाना सुरक्षामै बढी समय खर्चिदैँ आएको नेपालसँग सीमानाको विषयलाई लिएर इस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनीले लडाइँको घोषणा ग¥यो । यो लडाइँ सम्पूर्ण मुलुकले एकढिक्का भई लड्यो । तर साधनसम्पन्न इस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनीसँग अन्ततः युद्धविराम गरी केही क्षेत्रहरु फिर्ता दिनु पर्ने भयो । एकातिर विभिन्न जातजाति, क्षेत्र र लिंगका व्यक्तिहरुले एकसाथ लडेर मुलुकको रक्षामा ज्यान दिएका कारण पुनः एकीकृत नेपालमा बलियो राष्ट्रिय एकता स्थापना भयो भने अर्कोतिर नेपाल बेलायत सरकारको ‘एली’ का रुपमा स्थापित भयो । हिन्दुस्तान उपनिवेश भएको बेलामा नेपाल मित्रशक्तिका रुपमा स्थापित हुनुले नेपालको क्षमता प्रदर्शन हुन्थ्यो । नेपालको सार्वभौमसत्ताले आफ्नो उचाइ देखाएको थियो ।
त्यसपछिको समय नेपालका लागि अनुकूल रहेन । नेपाल एकीकरणमा ठूलो योगदान गर्ने भारदारहरु तथा दरबार बीचको मनोमालिन्यले नेपालको राजनीति अत्यधिक रुपमा प्रभावित भयो । सुगौलीको सन्धिपछि नेपाल एकीकरण गर्दा लागेका खर्चहरु तथा एकीकरणका लागि जीउज्यान उत्सर्ग गर्ने सेना तथा तिनका परिवारलाई धान्न सरकारलाई धौधौ पर्न थाल्यो । यो कमजोरीको अवस्थामा काठमाण्डौ स्थित ब्रिटिश रेजिडेण्टले पनि स्थानीय राजनीतिलाई प्रभावित गर्न थाले । युद्धकालीन प्रधानमन्त्री भीमसेन थापा युद्ध हारे पनि राजीनामा दिन तयार थिएनन् । दरबारभित्रको कचिंगल समाधान गर्न उनका लागि सम्भव भएन । उनी अल्छी पनि थिए । देशमा आर्थिक संकट देखा परिसकेको थियो । जनता न्याय चाहन्थ्यो । सरकार सक्षम थिएन । यस्तो परिस्थितिमा कोतपर्वको माध्यमबाट जंगबहादुरको उदय भएको हो । उनी गलत हिसाबले शासनमा आए । तर एउटा दुखित देशलाई उनले पुनः एकीकृत गरे । बेलायतीसँग सैन्य सम्बन्ध कायम गरे । भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम दबाउनलाई बेलायतीहरुलाई मद्दत दिई युद्धमा गुमेको केही नेपाली भूभाग अर्थात नयाँ मुलुक पुनः प्राप्त गरे । सेनालाई आधुनिकीकरण गरे । सत्ताइसवर्षको उमेरमा बेलायत भ्रमण गरी उनले आफ्नो र आफ्नो मुलुकको क्षमता र विश्वास प्रदर्शन गरे । यसैका आधारमा उनले तिब्बतसँगको सम्बन्धलाई पनि व्यस्थित गरे । जंगबहादुरको स्वाभिमान राष्ट्रिय एकीकरणको अर्को आयाम थियो । उनी पढेलेखेका थिएनन् । अझ भनौं निरक्षर थिए । आफ्नो छोरासम्मलाई उनले पढाएको देखिन्छ । तर देश जोगाउने र यसको क्षमता र हैसियत प्रदर्शन गर्ने शक्ति उनले देखाएरै छाडे ।
राजा राम शाह, प्रतापमल्ल, पृथ्वीनारायण शाह, बहादुर शाह वा जंगबहादुर कुँवर उनीहरुमा एउटा कुरामा समानता देखिन्थ्यो । उनीहरु सबै नेपालको सार्वभौमसत्ता र स्वतन्त्रताप्रति समर्पित व्यक्तिहरु थिए । देशको सार्वभौमसत्ता र स्वतन्त्रता उनीहरुका लागि विनिमययोग्य वस्तु थिएन । उनीहरु सम्पूर्ण हिमवत् खण्ड नेपाल हो र नेपाल एउटा स्वतन्त्र राज्य हो । यसको एकीकरण हुनुपर्दछ भन्ने मान्यता राख्दथे । अर्को समानता भनेको यी सबै व्यक्तिहरुमा मुलुकको आर्थिक विकासका अवधारणाहरु थिए । उनीहरु के मान्दथे भने नेपाल चीनतर्फ रहेको मध्य एसिया र भारततर्फ रहेको दक्षिण एसिया बीचको सेतु बन्नु पर्दछ । यो सेतुको रुपमा आफ्नो प्रमाणिकता देखाउन सके मात्र नेपालको उद्योग र व्यापारको विस्तृतिकरण हुन सक्दछ । यसबाट मात्र देश विकासका लागि चाहिने राजस्वको पर्याप्त आर्जन हुन सक्दछ । राम शाह ठूला सुधारक थिए । तर भारत र चीन (तिब्बत) को व्यापारिक नाकाका रुपमा काठमाण्डौको प्रयोग सम्बन्धमा प्रताप मल्लले बढी सफलता पाए । लिच्छवीहरुको शासन पछि एकपटक पुनः नेपाल एउटा समृद्धशाली र शक्तिशाली मुलुकमा परिवर्तन भयो । तर एकीकरणको प्रयास उनले सफल तुल्याउन सकेनन् । सन् १६६१ मा चीनबाट ल्हासा–काठमाण्डौ हुँदै मुगल साम्राज्यमा प्रवेश गर्ने फादर ग्रोबरले मुगलहरुको राज्यभन्दा नेपाल विकसित र समृद्धशाली रहेको उल्लेख गरेका छन् । यो कुरा ‘चाइना मोनुमेन्टिस्’ भन्ने पुस्तकमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ ।
स्व. बिपी कोइराला मुलुकको यो इतिहासका बारेमा जानकार थिए । एकीकृत नेपाल हुनु भारत र चीनको बीचमा नेपालको आफ्नो अस्तित्व बलियो गरी राखिराख्न र यी द्विदेशीय व्यापारको एकलौटी साझेदारीका रुपमा हुने आर्थिक गतिविधिबाट देशलाई प्राप्त हुने आर्थिक समृद्धि र विकासको लागि अत्यन्तै महत्वपूर्ण रहेको तथ्य प्रताप मल्ल, पृथ्वीनारायण शाह, जंगबहादुर कुँवरजस्तै बिपीले राम्रोसँग बुझेका थिए । २००७ सालको परिवर्तनले एउटा बहादुर छवि भएको मुलुकलाई प्रजातान्त्रिकरणको प्रक्रियामा लग्यो । यो प्रक्रियाको नेतृत्व एउटा आधुनिक तथा कुशाग्र क्षमतावान् उनले बिपीले लिएका थिए । बिपी कोइराला समाजवादको प्लेटफार्ममा उभिएका एउटा आधुनिक राजनेता थिए । २००७ सालदेखि अर्को सात वर्षसम्मको अस्थिरता देखेपछि संविधानसभाबाट संविधान लेखन गर्ने उनको सुरुको दृष्टिकोणमा परिवर्तन आयो । उनले पुनः नेपालको राजनीतिमा भारतीयहरुको दखल व्यक्तिगत रुपमा अनुभव गरे । अंग्रेजहरुसँग सहकार्य गर्नुजस्तो सजिलो थिएन भारतसँग सहकार्य गर्नु । त्यसपछि उनले राजाद्वारा गठन गरिएको संविधान मस्यौदा आयोगबाट संविधान बनाउने अनुमति दिनुको साथै संसद्का लागि हुने चुनावमा भाग लिने घोषणा पनि गरे । राष्ट्रको भविष्य सम्झेर उनले यो निर्णय गरेका थिए । मुलुकको राजनीतिमा भारतीयहरुको ताण्डव व्यहोर्न नसकेपछि उनले राजासँग मिलेरै प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रणालीतर्फ उन्मुख हुने नीति बनाए । यो राष्ट्रवादद्वारा प्रेरित कदम थियो । यो के मान्यतामा आधारित थियो भने केवल नेपाली कांग्रेसको प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रतिबद्धता तथा समाजवादी सिद्धान्तले मात्र मुलुकलाई बचाउन सकिँदैन । यसका लागि राजा लगायत नेपालका ऐतिहासिक सबै शक्तिहरुसँग सहकार्य गर्नु पर्दछ । योे सोचाई बिपी कोइरालामा धेरै पहिलेदेखि थियो । तर संविधानसभाको गठन हुन नसक्नुका राजनैतिक कारणहरु र ती कारणहरुप्रतिको बिपीको दृष्टिकोणमा २०१५ सालञ आउँदा नआउँदा प्रशस्त परिमार्जन भइसकेको थियो ।
नेपालको राजनीतिमा राजा र प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्ति संयुक्त रुपमा काम गर्ने वातावरण त्यसपछिको समयमा पनि सम्भव हुन सकेन । मुलुक शीतयुद्धको चपेटामा थियो । भारतीयहरु नेपाललाई आफ्नो ‘क्लायन्ट स्टेट’ का रुपमा हेर्न चाहन्थे । यसै कारणले २०१५ सालमा संसद्मा दुईतिहाई बहुमत ल्याएर सरकार बनाउन सफल भएको नेपाली कांग्रेस र यसका विलक्षण प्रतिभा भएका प्रधानमन्त्रीलाई ‘पर्ज’ गरियो । तिनताकाको नेपालमा सबैभन्दा अग्रगामी शक्ति भनेको नेपाली कांग्रेस नै थियो । यसको सैद्धान्तिक धरातल प्रजातन्त्र र राष्ट्रवादमा बनेको थियो । यो एउटा समावेशी दल हुनुका साथसाथै संघर्षशील सामाजिक आन्दोलनको प्रतीक पनि थियो । कांग्रेसको यो विशेषता भारतीय शासकहरुलाई सह्य हुन सकेन । त्यो मितिदेखि लगातार कांग्रेस राष्ट्रवाद र प्रजातन्त्रको द्वन्द्वमा अल्झिएर जानु पर्ने बाध्यता थियो । यो कांग्रेसको क्षमताको परीक्षणको अवधि पनि थियो । यो अवधिलाई अन्त्य गर्दै त्यसपछि बिपी कोइरालाले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीति अंगीकार गरेको हामी सबैलाई प्रष्ट छ । यो नीतिमै आधारित रहेर त्यसपछिका परिवर्तनहरु गरिएका थिए । नेपालको २०४७ सालको संविधानले राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको धरातललाई संवैधानिक जामा पहि¥याइदिएको थियो । एकपटक फेरि मुलुक पुनः निर्माणको दिशामा अघि बढेको थियो । यो परिस्थितिमा नेकपा माओवादीले संसदीय प्रजातन्त्र विरुद्ध हतियार उठाएको भन्ने कुरा अब सबैले बुझेको कुरा हो ।
म यो कार्यक्रममा अलिकति अगाडि आइपुगेँ । म यहाँ आउँदा यो कार्यशालाका सहभागीहरु नेपालमा किन वामपन्थी शक्तिहरु निरन्तर बढिरहेका छन् ? किन कांग्रेस निरन्तर खस्किँदो अवस्थामा छ ? किन नेपालको सार्वभौमसत्ता खतरनाक अवस्थामा पुगेको छ ? भन्ने बारेमा छलफल हुँदै थियो । मैले ती प्रश्नहरुका सम्बन्धमा नेता अर्जुननरसिंह केसीको दृष्टिकोण पनि सुनेँ । मलाई वास्तवमा पटक्कै चित्त बुझेन । आज जब बिपीको चिन्तनका आधारमा प्रजातन्त्रको दिशाबोध गर्ने उद्देश्यका लागि यो कार्यशाला भइरहेको छ भने परिस्थितिको वस्तुगत मूल्यांकन हुनु जरुरी छ । म राजनैतिक व्यक्ति होइन । तर यो प्रस्तुति टुंग्याउनुभन्दा पहिले म यस सम्बन्धमा आफ्नो विचार राख्न चाहन्छु ।
२०५२ सालमा नेकपा माओवादीले सुरु गरेको ‘सशस्त्र जनयुद्ध’ नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक शासन पद्धति तथा राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापको नीति विरुद्धको एउटा आन्दोलन थियो । यो आन्दोलनले पहिले नेपाल सरकारका सार्वभौम संरचनाहरुलाई विक्षिप्त पा¥यो । मुलुकभरिका आर्मी र पुलिसका चेकपोष्टहरुलाई निशाना बनाइयो । त्यसपछि प्रशासनिक संरचनाहरु क्षतविक्षत पारियो । बैंक र आर्थिक क्षेत्रलाई हताहत गरियो । यो प्रक्रियाबाट देशले कानुनका शासन र संविधानवाद धान्न नसकिने परिस्थितिमा पु¥याइयो । यी सबै कारबाहीहरुको वर्ग शत्रु नेपाली कांग्रेस, यससँग सम्बन्धित संरचनाहरु तथा राजा थिए । पहिले नेपाली कांग्रेसको राजनैतिक धरातल समाप्त गरियो । त्यसपछि नेपाली कांग्रेस समेतको सहयोगबाट राजतन्त्र समाप्त गरियो । प्रजातन्त्र र राष्ट्रवादप्रति आकांक्षा भएका अन्य दलहरु पनि थिए । तिनलाई पनि कमजोर स्थितिमा पु¥याइयो । नेपाली कांग्रेसको लामो संघर्षले स्थापित राजनैतिक वर्चश्वको प्रयोग नेपालको हित विरुद्ध गरियो ।
तपाईहरुलाई म एउटा राजनैतिक यथार्थको रुपमा पावरको अवधारणा के हो उल्लेख गर्न चाहन्छु । माओवादी युद्धले प्रजातन्त्र र राष्ट्रवादलाई हताहत गरेको कारणबाट जुन रिक्तता पैदा भयो, त्यो रिक्तता एउटा खतरनाक रिक्तता थियो । नेपाली कांग्रेसले जहिलेदेखि राष्ट्रवादलाई छोड्यो, आफ्नो साख त समाप्त ग¥यो नै, राजालाई पनि कमजोर गरायो । देशलाई पनि घुँडा टेकायो । यो रिक्तताको पूर्ति गर्न सक्ने क्षमता स्वयम् माओवादीमा पनि रहेन । किनकी त्यसका लागि माओवादीसँग वर्षौको राजनैतिक लगानी थिएन । नेकपा माओवादी सबैभन्दा कमजोर धरातलमा रहेको दल हो । यसको नसाहरु अरुले समातेका छन् । खुला राजनीति बन्दुकको बलमा चल्न सक्दैन । अतः शक्तिको यो रिक्ततामा कांग्रेसले आफूलाई प्रष्ट सैद्धान्तिक धरातलमा स्थापित गर्न सक्नु पर्दथ्यो । तर हुन के गयो भने माओवादीको बुई चढेर माओवादीले आफ्ना लागि तय गरेको राजनैतिक एजेण्डामा कांग्रेस पछि लाग्यो । यसले कांग्रेसको वर्षौंदेखिको सैद्धान्तिक धरातललाई त खोस्यो नै, यसलाई एउटा अनुदार, असक्षम र दिशाविहीन दलका रुपमा स्थापित पनि गरायो ।
वैचारिक रिक्तताले विभिन्न किसिमको समस्यालाई जन्म दिन्छ । हामीले दोस्रो विश्वयुद्धका बारेमा पढेका छौं । अमेरिका लगायत सबै युद्ध जित्ने शक्तिहरु लखतरान परि उठ्न नसक्ने परिस्थितिमा थिए । आर्थिक र राजनैतिक दुवै । हार्नेको त झन् कुरै थिएन । जर्मनी त लगभग स्वाहा भइसकेको थियो । यो रिक्ततामा नै पूर्व र पश्चिम जर्मनीका रुपमा विजेताहरुले जर्मनीलाई दुईटुक्रा पारिदिए । तहसनहस भएको रुसमा स्टालिनको अधिनायकवाद जुर्मुराउन थाल्यो । एटम बमको विकासले शक्तिका मापदण्डहरु परिवर्तन भए । मान्छे नजुधाइकन पनि साम्यवादलाई कण्टेन गर्न सकिन्छ भन्ने आधारमा भूमिगत कामकारबाहीहरु सुरु भए । यस अवस्थामा रुस तथा अमेरिका दुवैलाई लाग्यो साम्राज्य बढाउने पर्याप्त अवसर बाँकी नै छ । एकअर्कोमा विश्वासको परिस्थिति बाँकी रहेन । यसै रिक्तताले शीतयुद्धलाई जन्म दियो । हामीजस्ता धेरै देशहरु यही शीतयुद्धका कारणले उठ्न नसक्ने भए । आज नेपाल अर्को खाले शीत युद्धको चपेटामा छ । अमेरिका र रुसको कुरा होइन । चीन र भारतको कुरा हो । हामीले छिमेकीको ‘हेजेमोनी’ भोग्दैछौं । शासकहरुलाई काबुमा राखेर विदेशीले हामीमाथि शासन गर्दैछ । बिपी यो ‘हेजेमोनी’ विरुद्ध चट्टान भएर उभिनु भएको थियो । कांग्रेसको लिगेसी त्यही नै हो । त्यही लिगेसी छाडेकाले कांग्रेस अहिले ‘डाउन सिण्ड्रम’ को परिस्थितिमा छ ।
नेपालको असल प्रजातान्त्रिक परम्परा, २०४७ सालको संविधान र आफ्नो प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक पहिचान र क्षमतालाई कायम राख्न सकेको भए राजनीतिमा त्यत्रो रिक्तता देखा पर्ने थिएन । पटकपटक प्रधानमन्त्री भई देश चलाएका गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला एउटा असफल नेता प्रमाणित भए । उनले नेपाली कांग्रेसको स्थापनाकालीन सिद्धान्त राष्ट्रियता, प्रजातन्त्र र समाजवादलाई पाखा लगाएर मुलुकलाई यति दुखद् स्थितिमा पु¥याए । न नेपाली कांग्रसको धर्मका प्रति, न त समावेशिकरणका प्रति, न त राष्ट्रलाई एकढिक्का पारी बलियो बनाउनका लागि कुनै नीति थियो । प्रजातन्त्रमा पनि प्रतिस्पर्धामा जाने दलले आफूलाई अरुभन्दा अलग, स्पष्ट, विश्वासिलो विवेकवान र कुशल देखाउन सक्नुपर्छ । छाक टार्ने नीतिबाट राष्ट्रनिर्माण हुँदैन । मुलुक बनाउनका लागि सम्पूर्ण देशलाई एकीकृत गर्न सक्ने एजेण्डा चाहिन्छ । उच्चतम् एवम् पवित्र उद्देश्य त्यो कांग्रेसले देखाउन सकेन । जनताको विचार र बोली प्रजातान्त्रिक दलले बोल्न नसक्दा अन्य दलहरुले अवसरको प्रयोग गर्नु त स्वभाविकै हो ।
हुनत हाम्रो परिस्थितिको मूल्यांकन केवल गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाको कमजोरीका आधारमा मात्र हुन सक्दैन । तर यो प्रक्रियामा कुन कुराका लागि के तात्कालीक कारण बन्न गयो भन्ने प्रश्न गौण प्रश्न हो । यसको नेट इफेक्ट हो नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक व्यवस्थाको अवसान, कानुनको शासनको समाप्ति तथा स्वतन्त्र मुलुकका पूर्वाधारहरु उपरको निरन्तर आक्रमण । नेपालको मिडियाको स्वतन्त्रता कहाँ पुगिसक्यो हामी सबैले अनुभव गर्दै आएका छौं । नेपालका राष्ट्रिय दलहरु आज नेपालका बारेमा स्वतन्त्र निर्णय गर्न सक्ने हुति राख्दैनन् । देशमा एउटा अन्तरिम संविधान छ । तर सत्ता सञ्चालन यो संविधानबमोजिम भइरहेको छैन । त्यही पनि प्रजातान्त्रिक दल हुँ भन्नेले वैकल्पिक योजना बनाउने घोषणा गरेको छैन । युद्ध हारेपछि निश्चित रुपमा कहाँ गल्ती भएछ भनेर मूल्यांकन गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । अन्य कुरा तपशीलका कुरा हुन् ।
हामीमध्ये धेरैले विश्वास गरेको कुरा हो – नेपाल विगतमा जुन रुपमा राष्ट्रिय एकता र मेलमिलापमा आधारित रहेको थियो, त्यही रुपमा भविष्यमा पनि यही बाटोमा जाने हो भने न प्रजातन्त्रका चुनौतीहरु यति भयावह देखिनेछन्, न त राष्ट्रिय स्वाधिनता नै यति कमजोर हुनेछ । स्व. बिपी कोइरालाको आदर्श आज पनि त्यही रुपमा महत्वपूर्ण छ । तर यो आदर्श नेपाली कांग्रसको वर्तमान नेतृत्व वा यसलाई सहयोग गर्ने केन्द्रीय समितिको आदर्श हो कि होइन ? यो चाहिँ विचार गर्नुपर्ने पक्ष हो । कांग्रेस कसका लागि प्रयोग भयो ? किन र कसरी प्रयोग भयो ? त्यसका बारेमा विवेचना गर्दा मुखामुख गर्नुहुँदैन ।
केही महिना अघि मेरो कार्यालय पुतलीसडकमा नेता चक्र बास्तोलाले एउटा मिटिङ्ग डाक्नु भएको थियो । यसको उद्देश्य सन् २०१४ अर्थात् बिपी कोइरालाको शतवार्षिकी कसरी राष्ट्रिय पर्वका रुपमा मनाउने भन्ने थियो । कार्यक्रममा भीमबहादुर तामाङ, प्रदीप गिरी तथा अन्य महत्वपूर्ण व्यक्तिहरु पनि हुनुहुन्थ्यो । सबैले आआफ्नो कुरा राख्नुभयो । यस सन्दर्भमा नेता प्रदीप गिरीको भनाई थियो – बिपीको शतवार्षिकी मनाउँदा कुन स्लोगनको आधारमा मनाउने भन्ने कुरा हामीलाई बिपीको व्यक्तित्व वा विचारको कुन पक्ष आज सबैभन्दा फाइदाजनक छ, त्यसका आधारमा निर्धारण गर्नुपर्दछ । वहाँको दृष्टिकोणमा बिपी भनेर पुग्दैन । २००७ सालको सशस्त्र क्रान्ति गर्ने बिपी, संविधानसभालाई परित्याग गरी राजाले जारी गरेको संविधान अन्तर्गत चुनाव लड्ने बिपी, राजाले सुन्दरीजलमा थुन्दाको बिपी, सशस्त्र विद्रोहका लागि आव्हान गर्ने बिपी, राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापका लागि भारतबाट नेपाल फर्किने बिपी वा कुन बिपीको बारेमा कुरा गरेको हो ? बिपीको यो विभाजित व्यक्तित्वबाट नेपाली कांग्रेसलाई जे फाइदा हुन्छ, त्यो फाइदा लिनु पर्दछ भन्ने वहाँको विचार थियो । मलाई त्यहाँ भएका सहभागीहरु मध्ये कसैले उक्त कुरामा कमेण्ट गर्दछ कि भन्ने लाग्यो । तर सबैले चित्त बुझाएकै देखियो । होस्टका नाताले मैले आफ्नो कुरा राख्नु हुँदैनथ्यो । तर मलाई त्यहाँ आफ्नो कुरा नराख्दा बिपीप्रति अन्याय हुनेछ भन्ने लाग्यो ।
वास्तवमा बिपी कोइरालाको विभाजित व्यक्तित्व थियो भन्ने कुरा नै सही होइन । मलाई लाग्दछ, राजनीति सुरु गरेदेखि नै बिपीका आदर्शहरु सँधै कञ्चन रहे । परिस्थितिहरु कहिल्यै एकनाश रहेनन् होला । तिनलाई तात्कालीक परिस्थितिका आधारमा बिपीले पनि सामना गर्नुप¥यो होला । सखका दिनहरु पनि आए, दुखका दिनहरु पनि आए । राजनीतिले बिपीलाई पनि रणनीतिक बनायो होला । तर उनले बाँचेको जीन्दगी र उनले स्थापित गरेको सिद्धान्तलाई दुविधारहित हिसाबले बुझ्न सकिन्छ । स्ट्याटिस्टिक्स् र सम्भाव्यताको सिद्धान्तमा स्ट्याण्डर्ड डेभिएसन (मानक विचलन) को कुरा गरिन्छ । मानक केहो र विचलन के हो बुझ्नु पर्ने हुन्छ । अर्को शब्दमा भन्दा जुन कुरालाई हामी बिपीको मानक भन्दछौं, त्यसबाट बिपीको डिस्पर्सन वा भेरिएसन कति छ भनेर हेर्नुपर्दछ । मलाई लाग्दछ आफ्नो व्यक्तित्व, राजनैतिक सिद्धान्त र आदर्शका कुराहरुमा – अझ भनौँ राष्ट्रियता, प्रजातन्त्र र समाजवादका कुरामा – बिपीको विचारमा एकरुपता थियो । निरतन्तरता थियो । उनी जन्मजात राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलापका पक्षपाती थिए । उनको दृष्टिकोण जे सही हो, त्यही नै भनिनु पर्दछ । त्यसको रणनीतिक व्याख्या गरिनु हुँदैन । कांग्रेसले गर्न सक्दैन भने पनि केही छैन, त्यसले गर्ला जसको हातबाट बिपीको उचित मूल्यांकन हुन्छ । कमल थापाले त बिपीको फोटो अघि राखेर राजनीति गर्न सुरु गरिसके । अरु पनि निस्कलान् । राजनेताको पहिचान उचित रुपमा उचित समयमा हुने नै छ ।
अन्त्यमा म पुनः संविधानतर्फ फर्किएर आफ्नो कुरा टुंग्याउन चाहन्छु । बिपीको संवैधानिक सोचहरु अनुसन्धानयोग्य विषय हो । २०१५ सालको संविधान मस्यौदा गर्ने समितिले नेपाली कांग्रेसकै होरा प्रसाद जोशीको सक्रियतामा काम गरेको थियो । होराप्रसाद जोशी संवैधानिक विषयवस्तुमा नेता सूर्यप्रसाद उपाध्यायसँग विचारविमर्श गर्दथे । सूर्यप्रसाद उपाध्याय आफैं कानुनका स्नातक हुनुहुन्थ्यो । सल्लाहकारका रुपमा बेलायती संविधानविद् आइभर जेनिङ्गस् उपलब्ध थिए । त्यसैले बिपीले संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियाको नेतृत्व लिएनन् । नेपालको अन्तरिम संविधान, २००७ बनाउँदा उनको भूमिका त्योभन्दा धेरै बढी थियो । यसको प्रायोजक नै गृहमन्त्रालय भएकाले गृहमन्त्रीका रुपमा बिपीको जिम्मेवारी पनि बढी थियो । तर अन्ततः संविधानलाई बिपीले प्रजातान्त्रिक संस्कृति र राष्ट्रिय स्वाधिनताभन्दा ठूलो महत्व दिएनन् । उनको भनाई थियो – आस्था र विश्वास छैन भने संविधान भनेको कागजको खोस्टा हो । छ भने जस्तोसुकै संविधानको पनि उच्चतम् प्रयोग गर्न सकिन्छ । आज जब हामी परिस्थितिको मूल्यांकन गर्दैछौं भने त्यस अवस्थामा हामीले स्पष्ट हुनु पर्छ कि नेपालको नयाँ संविधान बनाउने कार्यमा न त आस्था र विश्वास देखिएको छ, न राष्ट्र बनाउने चिन्ता । यदि यति कुरामा प्रष्ट हुन सकिन्छ भने प्रजातन्त्रको दिशाबोधका बारेमा अल्मलिनु पर्दैन । हामीलाई राष्ट्र जोगाउनु छ । राष्ट्र खतरामा छ ।
मैले धेरै समय लिएँ । यसका लागि क्षमाप्रार्थी छु । अन्त्यमा आयोजक संस्था बि.पि. चिन्तन प्रतिष्ठान केन्द्रीय समितिलाई आफ्नो कुरा राख्ने अवसर दिनु भएकोमा पुनः धन्यवाद दिन चाहन्छु ।
[उमेश गौतमबाट मोबाइल टेपबाट उतार तथा सम्पादित]
“न्यायिक उपचारलाई प्रतिक्रान्तिकारीहरुको हतियारको रुपमा लिनु हुँदैन । मान्छेको आत्मसम्मान हरेक हालतमा सुनिश्चित हुनुपर्दछ । वैध कानुन र उचित प्रक्रिया विना कसैको पनि नागरिक हक वा स्वतन्त्रता अपहरण गर्न पाइँदैन । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुन होस् वा राष्ट्रिय कानुन, फौजदारी कानुनको सामान्य सिद्धान्त यही हो ।“
द्वन्द्व पीडित राष्ट्रिय समाज (कन्फ्लिक्ट भिक्टिम्स् नेशनल सोसाइटी) द्वारा मस्यौदा गरिएको दण्डहिनताको चपेटामा द्वन्द्व पीडित भन्ने अवधारणापत्र सम्बन्धी यो विशेष अन्तक्र्रिया कार्यक्रम एउटा महत्वपूर्ण उद्देश्यका साथ आएको छ । यो समाजले गहिरो अध्ययनका आधारमा तयार गरेको यस विषयको अवधारणापत्रलाई अन्तिम रुप दिनुभन्दा अघि विभिन्न सरोकार समूहहरु बीच छलफल गर्ने एवम् विज्ञहरु समेतको समालोचना लिने सोचाई अत्यन्त व्यवहारिक छ । यो सरल भाषामा लेखिएको छ । त्यसैले यो अवधारणापत्र बोधगम्य हुनुका साथै यसले सम्बन्धित विषयवस्तुलाई मोटामोटी रुपमा सम्बोधन गर्न सकेको छ भन्ने मेरो सोचाई हो । तर पनि एउटा टिप्पणीकारका रुपमा केही विषयहरु म यहाँ उठाउन चाहन्छु । यो अवसर जुटाइदिनुभएकोमा म आयोजक संस्थाप्रति कृतज्ञता व्यक्त गर्दछु ।
नेपाल मात्र द्वन्द्वग्रस्त मुलुक होइन । आजका मितिमा पनि संसारका पचासवटा भन्दा बढी मुलुकहरु कुनै न कुनै रुपमा द्वन्द्वग्रस्त छन् । यसमध्ये सुडान, कंगो, डाफर, आइभोरी कोस्ट, हाइटी, अफगानिस्तान र लेवनान जस्ता करिब दुईदर्जनभन्दा बढी मुलुकहरुमा संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ कुनै न कुनै प्रकारले शान्ति प्रक्रियामा संलग्न छ । जुनजुन मुलुकमा हतियारको प्रयोग अत्याधिक रुपमा भएका छन्, ती मुलुकहरुमा दण्डहिनताको चपेटमा परेको जनसंख्या ठूलो छ । तर त्यसभन्दा पनि ठूलो जनसंख्या भनेको द्वन्द्वपीडितहरु हुन् । लडाइँ लड्दा वा प्रतिरक्षा गर्दाको पीडा अर्कै हो । तर द्वन्द्वरत पक्षहरुबाट अलग भएर बस्दछु भन्नेले बाध्य भएर खप्नु पर्ने पीडा यो आजको छलफलको विषय हो ।
यो अवधारणापत्रले मूलतः सातवटा खण्डमा आपूmलाई प्रस्तुत गरेको छ । २०४६ सालमा आएको परिवर्तनले देशमा राजनैतिक, सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक स्वतन्त्रता र प्रणालीगत खुलापनलाई सुनिश्चित गरेका कारण मुलुकमा प्रजातन्त्र एवम् राष्ट्रवादका लागि बलियो आधार तयार भएको भन्ने सम्बन्धमा दुईमत हुन सक्दैन । जनताको इच्छा र आकांक्षालाई हल गर्दै प्रजातन्त्रलाई बलियो बनाउने प्रयास भइरहेकै बेलामा मौका छोप्दै २०५२ साल फागुन महिना देखि एकदलीय कम्युनिष्ट अधिनायकत्वका लागि माओवादी सशस्त्र विद्रोह सुरु भएको हो । यो प्रक्रियाको फलस्वरुप राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रले प्रजातान्त्रिक संस्थाहरुलाई किनारा लगाउँदै माओवादी विरुद्ध कारबाही गर्न जाँदा प्रजातान्त्रिक व्यवस्था समाप्त हुन पुग्यो । १२ बुँदे समझदारीमा पु¥याउनलाई यी दुवै घटनाहरु महत्वपूर्ण थिए । अहिलेको परिस्थितिमा प्रजातान्त्रिक संस्थाहरु पुनस्र्थापित हुन नसके पनि जनयुद्धको प्रक्रियाबाट प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रणालीलाई तहसनहस गर्ने नेकपा (माओवादी) वा हालको एमाओवादी भने सत्तामा स्थापित भइसकेको छ । संविधानसभाको अवसानले एमाओवादीलाई मुलुकको एवम् आफ्नो पार्टीको भविष्य निर्धारण गर्ने अर्को नयाँ अवसर प्राप्त भएको छ । तर यसले पनि विगतमा भएका मानवअधिकार उल्लंघन र ज्यादतीको जघन्य घटनाका भागिदारहरुलाई कानुनी कारबाही भित्र ल्याउन सकेको छैन । जनयुद्ध एवम् सोको प्रतिकार गर्ने नाममा पीडा भोग्नु परेका लाखौं पीडितहरुले न्याय पाउन नसकेको स्थिति छ । लडाकूहरुले आफ्नो गन्तव्य पाएका छन् । तर जो लुटिएका थिए, उनले न्यायसमेत पाउन नसकेको अहिलेको परिस्थिति छ । त्यस्तै अर्कोपट्टि राज्यका तर्फबाट ‘माओवादी जनयुद्ध’ लाई सामना गर्ने नेपाली सेना लगायतका सुरक्षा निकायहरुले पनि आफ्नो तर्फबाट हुन गएका अपराध वा मानवअधिकार उल्लंघनको विषयलाई पारदर्शी रुपमा समीक्षा गर्ने र दायित्वको छिनोफानोको विषयलाई महत्व दिएको देखिँदैन ।
यो सामान्य पृष्ठभूमिलाई उल्लेख गर्दै यो अवधारणापत्रमा नेकपा माओवादीले सृजना गरेको हिंसात्मक द्वन्द्वलाई एउटा परिभाषामा अटाउन खोजिएका छ । के मान्यता राखिएको छ भने विद्यमान बहुदलीय शासन पद्धतिप्रति असहमति जनाउँदै मर्न, मार्न तयार भएर हतियार बोकेर द्वन्द्वमा सरिक भएको पक्षलाई द्वन्द्व पीडित मान्न मिल्दैन । यसको अर्कै परिप्रेक्ष्य छ । द्वन्द्व पीडित भनेको यस्तो समूहलाई राज्यका तर्फबाट प्रतिकार गर्ने समूह पनि होइन ।
वास्तवमा यस अध्ययनको उद्देश्यका लागि माओवादी र राज्यपक्ष दुवैसँग कुनै सरोकार नभएको निर्दोष र हतियारविहीन आमजनता र द्वन्द्वसँग कुनै सरोकार नभएका राजनीतिक दलका कार्यकर्ता, जो आस्थाका आधारमा पीडित बनाइएका व्यक्तिहरु हुन्, तिनलाई द्वन्द्वपीडित मान्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । द्वन्द्वको पीडा अरुले पाएका हुँदैनन् भन्न खोजिएको होइन । तर अरुहरुका सन्दर्भमा सम्बन्धित क्षेत्रहरुमा काम हुँदै आएको छ । राम्रो काम हुन नसकेको भनेको यो पछिल्लो समुदायका हकमा हो ।
समग्रमा द्वन्द्व पीडितहरुको समूचित व्यवस्थापन गर्नु राज्यको दायित्व हो । यसमा घरमूली वा परिवारका कुनै सदस्य मारिएको परिवार, अंगभंग भई अशक्त भएका व्यक्तिहरु, घर सम्पत्ति कब्जा भएका व्यक्तिहरु, हत्या÷अपहरणको त्रासबाट त्रसित भएका व्यक्तिहरु अपहरण बेपत्ता पारिएका परिवारहरु, धनसम्पत्ति लुटिएकाहरु, चन्दाको नाममा एउटा निश्चित रकम माग गरि मच्चाएको आतंकबाट प्रभावित व्यक्तिहरु, बैंक ऋण तिर्न नपाएर सोको व्याजबाट पीडितहरु, माओवादीले घरमा जबरजस्ती हतियार राखिदिएको कारण राज्यबाट दोषी तुल्याएकाहरु हैसियतभन्दा बढी माओवादी पाहुना पाल्नु परेर रित्तिएका पक्षहरु, स्वयम् खरिद वा ऋणबाट प्राप्त सामान वा परियोजना, प्रयोग गरी ध्वस्त पारिएकाहरु, जनवादी शिक्षाका नाममा अध्ययन अध्यापन कमजोर गराइएको विद्यार्थी एवम् शिक्षकहरु, रोजगार व्यापार आदिमा असर परेर प्रभावित व्यापारीहरु उत्पादनमा ह्रास, आम्दानीमा कमी भएको कारणले शरणार्थी भई माग्ने स्थितिमा आएकाहरु र अन्य (मानवढाल, अभियानमा लगिएका, श्रमकैद गराइएका) आदि व्यक्तिहरुलाई अवधारणापत्रले पीडित समूहमा उल्लेख गरेको छ ।
यो अवधारणापत्रमा द्वन्द्व पीडितहरुको सामान्य झलक दिन खोजिएको छ । यसमा आँकडाहरु पनि उल्लेखित छन् । यी द्वन्द्व पीडितहरुलाई गरिने न्यायका सम्बन्धमा भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरुका बारेमा पनि उल्लेख गरिएका छन् । सामान्यतः विगतका अधिकांश सहमति र सम्झौताहरुलाई माओवादीले इमान्दारिपूर्वक पालना नगरेकै कारणले द्वन्द्व पीडितहरुको समस्या सम्बोधन हुन सकेको छैन भन्ने कुरा अवधारणापत्रमा उल्लेख गरिनुका साथसाथै एमाओवादीले जग्गाजमिन कब्जामा लिएका कारण पीडित भएकाहरुले फिर्ताका लागि अदालतबाट पाएको आदेश र क्षतिपूर्ति सम्बन्धी विषय पनि सरकारले सम्बोधन नगरेको यसमा उल्लेख छ । यसै प्रसंगमा यो अवधारणापत्रमा राहत, सहयोग र पुनस्र्थापनाका लागि द्वन्द्व पीडित राष्ट्रिय समाजको सिफारिस समेत प्रस्ताव गरिएको छ । यसरी सिफारिस गर्दा मारिएको व्यक्तिको परिवारको हकमा, अंगभंग अपांग भएकाहरुको हकमा, घाइते भएकाहरुको हकमा, कुटपिटको मारमा परेकाहरुको हकमा, जग्गाजमिन, सुनचाँदी, नगद लगायत चल अचल सम्पत्ति कब्जा तथा विस्थापितहरुको हकमा, बेपत्ता पारिएका र अपहरणमा परेका व्यक्तिको हकमा समेत गरी अलग अलग सिफारिस गरिएका छन् । अन्त्यमा अभियुक्तको क्षमायाचनाको प्रावधान खारेज गरी पीडित समेतको सहभागितामा सत्य निरुपण तथा मेलमिलाप आयोगको गठनका लागि यो अवधारणापत्रले एड्भोकेसी गरेको छ । यस सम्बन्धमा प्रस्तावित आयोगको राष्ट्रपति समक्ष प्रक्रियामा रहेको अध्यादेश अध्यादेशलाई न्यायसंगत बनाउनका लागि गर्नुपर्ने सुधारहरुको बारेमा पनि केही सिफारिसहरु गरिएका छन् । अवधारणापत्रमा उल्लेखित यी सबै व्यवस्थाहरुमा टिप्पणी गर्नु जरुरी देखिँदैन ।
यो कार्यक्रममा म केही अन्य विषयहरु उठाउन चाहन्छु जो यो अवधारणापत्रमा आउन सकेको देखिँदैन । युद्ध होस् वा ‘जनयुद्ध’ यस्तो गर्ने अधिकार कसैलाई छैन । तर युद्ध घट्न गएकै अवस्थामा पनि कसैले पनि गैरकानुनी तरिकाले लड्न पाउँदैन । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनमा युद्धको घोषणा, यसलाई स्वीकार वा अस्वीकार गर्ने भन्ने कुरा, युद्धबन्दीलाई युद्धरत पक्षले गर्नुपर्ने व्यवहारका कुरा, सैनिक आवश्यकतालाई कुन रुपमा सम्बोधन गर्ने भन्ने कुरा, केवल उन्मादका आधारमा गर्न सकिँदैन । केही प्रकारका हातहतियार प्रयोग गर्न कानुनले दिँदैन । त्यस्तै युद्ध जित्नलाई चाहिनेभन्दा बढी क्षति गर्न पाइँदैन । युद्धमा मरेका, ढलेका वा घाइते भएकालाई पु¥याइने सेवा वा ‘रेस्क्यू अपरेसन’ का पनि नियमहरु छन्, मान्यताहरु छन् । मुलुकभित्रको आन्तरिक द्वन्द्वहरु पनि जेनेभा कन्भेन्सनहरु अन्तर्गतको ‘कमन आर्टिकल’ अन्तर्गत प्रतिबद्ध हुनुपर्दछ । यी नियम र मान्यताहरु अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनका अनिवार्य पक्ष हुन् । जेनेभा कन्भेन्सन लगायतमा यसबारे व्यवस्थाहरु छन् । के सही हो र के गलत हो भन्ने कुराको निर्णय कालान्तरमा स्वयम् जनताले नै गर्दछन् । तर युद्ध वा जनयुद्ध लड्दाका अवस्थामा गरिएका गैरकानुनी वा अमानवीय कामकारबाही कानुनको दायरामा आउनै पर्दछ । यो कानुनी प्रक्रिया वा यसको उत्तरदायित्वको निर्णय जनताको भोटको आधारमा गरिँदैन । नेपालको नेतृत्व वर्गले यो कुरालाई बुझ्नु पर्दछ ।
सन् १९९८ मा बनेको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय फौजदारी अदालत सम्बन्धी रोम विधानले अब युद्ध र शान्तिका विषयमा अझ चुनौती थपिदिएको छ । यो विधान सन् २००२ देखि लागु छ । हुनत नेपालले आजका मितिसम्म रोम विधानलाई अनुमोदन गरिसकेको छैन । तथापि यस वर्षको सुरुसम्ममा संसारका १२१ वटा राज्यहरुले यो विधान अनुमोदन गरी लागु गरिसकेका छन् । युद्ध अपराध गरेर हिँड्ने जोसुकै नेपाली पनि अब यी १२१ वटा देशभित्र आफूले गरेको अपराधका लागि गिरफ्तार हुन सक्दछन् । रोम विधानले चारवटा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय अपराधहरुका बारेमा उल्लेख गरेको छ । ती हुन् – आमहत्या (जेनोसाइ), मानवता विरुद्धको अपराध, युद्ध अपराध र क्राइम अफ एग्रेसन । कुनै जाति, समुदाय, धार्मिक वा राष्ट्रिय समूहको नियोजित हत्या, मानवीय मर्यादा, मानव जातिकै गम्भीर बेइज्जतीका विषयहरु जस्तो हत्या, सफाया, यातना, बलात्कार, राजनैतिक, धार्मिक वा जातीय पीडा, वा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मानवतावादी कानुन जस्ता विषयहरु अब क्षम्य छैनन् । प्रत्येकले आफूले गरेको अपराधका लागि जवाफदेहिता लिनुपर्छ, असैनिकको हत्या गर्न पाइँदैन, थुनुवा मार्न पाइँदैन, युद्ध अपराधीप्रति उचित व्यवहार गर्नुपर्दछ, पासविक रुपमा सहर गाउँ इत्यादि विध्वंश गर्न पाइँदैन । यी विषयहरु हेग कन्भेन्सन र जेनेभा कन्भेसनका प्रोटोकलहरुमा उठाइएका छन् । यी अपराधहरु कहाँ भए ? कसरी भए ? किन भए ? र कुन परिस्थितिमा भए ? भन्ने बारेमा विवेचना गर्न सकिन्छ । तर यी अपराधका सम्बन्धमा अब कसैलाई दण्डहिनता प्राप्त छैन । यी अपराधहरुलाई कारबाही गर्ने अब लगभग अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्राधिकार स्थापित भइसकेको छ । प्रत्येक मुलुकको उपरोक्त अधिकार उपर कारबाही गर्ने क्षमता कमबेसी हुन सक्छ । तर मलाई कारबाही हुँदैन वा म सम्बन्धमा दण्डविहिनता छ भन्ने तर्क अब कसैका लागि पनि सहज छैन ।
नेपालमा माओवादी जनयुद्धका नाममा भएका अपराधहरुको लेखाजोखा हुन बाँकी नै छ । हामीले बेलाबेलामा हाल कामरेड जोसेले नेतृत्व गरेको दक्षिण अमेरिकी मुलुक पेरुको ‘साइनिङ पाथ’ का बारेमा समाचार पढ्दछौं । ‘साइनिङ पाथ’ पनि एउटा माओवादी जनयुद्ध नै थियो । दश वर्षसम्म माओवादीहरुले पेरुमा ताण्डव देखाए पछि अल्बर्टो फुजिमोरी त्यहाँका राष्ट्रपतिमा निर्वाचित भए । उनी जापानी मूलका थिए । पढाई लेखाईमा लागेका प्राध्यापक वा गणितज्ञ फुजिमोरी पेरुका होनहार मान्छेमा गनिन्थे । प्रजातन्त्र र विधिको शासनमा विश्वास राख्दथे । देश बनाउँछु भन्ने उत्साह पनि थियो । अर्थतन्त्रका बारेमा राम्रो जानकारी राख्दथे । व्यक्तित्व त राम्रो छँदै थियो । राष्ट्रपति शासन प्रणाली भएको पेरुमा उनी सन् १९९० मा राष्ट्रपतिको निर्वाचन जित्न सफल भए । ‘साइनिङ पाथ’ लाई राजनीतिको मूलधारमा ल्याउन धेरै प्रयत्न गरे । तर उनका विरोधीहरुलाई लाग्यो यो मास्टरले हामीसँग के युद्ध जित्न सक्ला । सबै प्रयास असफल भए पछि फुजिमोरीले आक्रामक कारबाहीहरु सुरु गरे । यी कारबाहीहरुले उनको व्यक्तित्वलाई विवादास्पद बनायो । तर अर्को निर्वाचन पनि जिते । झिनो मतले नै भए पनि तेस्रो निर्वाचन जित्न पनि उनलाई गाह्रो भएन । तर लडाइँ जित्न कलम कापीले पुग्दैन । फुजिमोरीले हतियार त बोके नै, केही आधारभूत मौलिक अधिकारहरुलाई पनि प्रतिबन्धित गरे । संसद्को सहयोग नपाएपछि संसद्लाई पनि भंग गरे । अदालतलाई पनि बिदा गरे । जीउज्यान लगाएर लडाइँ लडे । ‘साइनिङ पाथ’ को आतंकबाट मुलुकलाई मुक्त गर्ने मान्छेका रुपमा उनी आज पनि चिनिन्छिन् । आज ‘साइनिङ पाथ’ को जनयुद्ध गाउँबाट जंगल, जंगलबाट अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमाना र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमानाबाट छिमेकी मुलुकहरुमा बेपत्ता भइसकेको छ । पेरुका जनता राष्ट्र निर्माणमा संलग्न भइसकेका छन् । मानव अधिकार बहाल भइसकेको छ । एउटा गरिब र कमजोर देशका बाध्यताहरु आज पनि छन् । तर प्रजातान्त्रिक संरचनाको माध्यमबाट राष्ट्र निर्माणको प्रक्रिया पुनः सुरु भइसकेको छ । तर आतंकवादको मुकावला गर्न आतंकको प्रयोग गरेको अभियोगबाट फुजिमोरी मुक्त हुन सकेनन् ।
फुजिमोरी किन मुक्त हुन सकेनन्? यो बुझ्न कठिन छैन । प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रक्रियाबाटै निर्वाचित भएर आए पनि उनका कामकारबाहीले प्रजातान्त्रिक एवम् मानवअधिकारमुखी कार्यक्रमद्वारा आतंक विरुद्ध लड्न सकेनन् । आफू असल र स्वाभिमानी थिए । तर सुरक्षा संयन्त्रहरुको प्रयोगमा उनले जवाफदेहिता सुनिश्चित गर्न सकेनन् । यस क्रममा धेरै मानवअधिकारहरुको हनन् हुन पुग्यो । उनको शासनसंयन्त्रबाट भएका युद्ध अपराधहरु उनको आदेशबाट भएका देखिए । जनयुद्ध दबाउँदै लगेपछि प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिहरु क्रमशः पुनः देखा पर्न थाले । उनीहरु बलियो हुँदै गए । फुजिमोरी अब उम्कन सक्ने स्थिति रहेन । भागेर जापान पुगे । जापानको कानुन अन्तर्गत उनको नागरिकताको दाबी कायमै थियो । त्यसैले पेरुको सरकारले मागेजस्तै उनलाई जापानले सुपर्दगी गर्न चाहेन । तर परिबन्धले उनी जापानबाट चिली गएका अवस्थामा सन् २००५ मा हिरासतमा परे । चिलीले आफ्ना पूर्व राष्ट्रपति पिनोसेँलाई कारबाही गरेको अनुभव छँदै थियो । एउटा मानव अधिकारविरोधीलाई पूवराष्ट्रपति भए पनि छोड्न चाहेन । बल्बबल्ल पेरुले हामी आफैं कारबाही गर्छौँ भनी फुजिमोरीलाई आफ्नो मुलुकमा सुपुर्दगी गरायो । त्यसपछि कारबाही सुरु भयो । उनलाई सन् २००७ मा गैरकानुनी खानतलासीका लागि जेलसजाय तोकियो । त्यसपछि सन् २००८ मा मानवता विरुद्धका अपराधहरुमा पनि उनले सजाय पाए । सन् २००९ मा मानवअधिकार उल्लंघनका लागि फेरि अर्को सजाय थपियो । उनले अपहरणको दुईवटा केस पनि गरेका रहेछन् । अहिले फुजिमोरी २५ वर्षको सजाय काट्दै छन् । सबै सजाय एक ठाउँमा जोडेको भए उनको सजाय धेरै हुन जान्थ्यो । उनको एउटा जीन्दगी पर्याप्त हुन्थेन होला । तर पेरुको कानुन अन्तर्गत २५ वर्ष भन्दा बढी कसैलाई थुन्न पाइँदैन ।
पेरुका मान्छेहरु अल्बर्टो फुजिमोरी प्रति कृतघ्न छैनन् । आतंकबाट उनले देशलाई मुक्त गरेकै हो । वास्तवमा दुईतिहाई पेरुभियनहरुले जनमत संग्रहमा उपस्थित भई फुजिमोरीको कामकारबाहीहरुलाई अनुमोदन गरी उनी आजको पेरुमा कति जनमुखी प्रजातन्त्रमुखी मानिन्छन् भनी देखाइदिए । तर फौजदारी न्यायशास्त्रमा जनमुखी वा प्रजातन्त्रमुखी भएकै कारणले कुनै पनि अपराधविरुद्ध उन्मुक्ति पाउन सकिँदैन । सजाय काटेर निस्केको अल्बर्टो फुजिमोरीले निश्चित रुपमा अर्को पटक पनि चुनाव जित्न सक्नेछन् । तर सो गर्नुभन्दा पहिले उनी आफूले गरेको अपराधको सजाय काटेर आफूलाई निर्मलीकरण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । उनी अपराधी हुन् । उनका कामकारबाहीहरु आपराधिक भएको स्वतन्त्र न्यायिक प्रक्रियाबाट प्रमाणित भएको छ । दण्डहिनता लोकप्रिय नेताहरुका लागि पनि प्राप्त छैन । न्यायिक उपचारलाई प्रतिक्रान्तिकारीहरुको हतियारको रुपमा लिनु हुँदैन । मान्छेको आत्मसम्मान हरेक हालतमा सुनिश्चित हुनुपर्दछ । वैध कानुन र उचित प्रक्रिया विना कसैको पनि नागरिक हक वा स्वतन्त्रता अपहरण गर्न पाइँदैन । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुन होस् वा राष्ट्रिय कानुन, फौजदारी कानुनको सामान्य सिद्धान्त यही हो ।
पश्चिमी अफ्रिकी मुलुक लाइबेरियाको आन्तरिक द्वन्द्व आज समाप्त भइसकेको छ । त्यस द्वन्द्वका नायक चाल्र्स टेलर अहिले अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय अदालतबाट सजाय पाई जेलको सजाय काटिरहेका छन् । उनी फुजिमोरी जस्ता विशिष्ट व्यक्ति होइनन् । सायद उनले गरेका अपराधहरु अझ जघन्य छन् । आज पूर्वराष्ट्रपति चाल्र्स टेलरलाई चुनाव लड्न दिने हो भने उनी पुनः जितेर आउन सक्लान् । द्वन्द्वकालमा हिरा बेचेर कमाएको तथा राज्यको राजश्व लुटेको करोडौं डलर उनीसँग आज पनि कतै न कतै होला । निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा पैसा र आफ्नो भलो चिताउन नसक्ने सोझा मतदाता हामीजस्ता गरिब देशमा जतापनि पाइन्छन् । चुनाव जित्नु ठूलो कुरो होइन, तर यसबाट अपराध पखालिन्छ भन्न पाइँदैन । यदि हाम्रो समाज सम्पूर्ण जनताको सामूहिक हित र साझा भविष्यप्रति आस्थावान बनाउने हो भने अपराधीलाई कानुनको दायरामा ल्याउनै पर्दछ ।
यो अवधारणापत्रको एउटा अर्को आलोचना पनि छ । द्वन्द्व पीडित को–को हुन् र द्वन्द्वकालका क्षतिहरु प्रत्यक्ष रुपमा कति छन् अप्रत्यक्ष रुपमा कति छन् ? भन्ने कुरा तबसम्म थाहा हुन सक्दैन, जबसम्म यसका लागि सार्वजनिक आव्हान गरिँदैन । अप्रत्यक्ष हानी नोक्सानीलाई ‘कोल्याटरल ड्यामेज’ पनि भनिन्छ । मान्छे काटेको देख्न सकिन्छ । तर मृतकको ज्यान गएका कारण परेको उसको परिवार, आफन्तजन, समाज र राष्ट्रले भोग्ने क्षति पैसामा उल्लेख गर्न सकिँदैन । त्यसैले पीडितको पहिचानको कुरो प्रक्रिया खुला गरे पछि मात्र पूर्ण रुपमा प्रष्ट हुन सक्दछ । त्यसैले यसका लागि गरिने आव्हान सत्य निरुपण तथा मेलमिलाप आयोग (टिआरसि) बाट गरिनु पर्दछ । त्यस्तो आयोगले पीडितपक्षलाई आयोगसम्म आउने, आफ्नो बयान दिने र बयान दिइसकेको परिस्थितिमा वैयक्तिक स्वतन्त्रताको ग्यारेण्टी गर्ने क्षमता हुनुपर्दछ । जुनसुकै द्वन्द्वको पनि प्रमुख कारण पैसा नै हो । आततायीलाई लोभ्याउने र चरम आकर्षक वस्तु भनेको पैसा नै हो । द्वन्द्वकालमा पैसा कहाँबाट आयो ? यसको माध्यम को थियो ? यो कहाँ खर्च भयो ? र अन्ततः यस्तो पैसाबाट कसले लाभ हासिल गरेको थियो ? भन्ने जस्ता प्रश्नहरुले त्यस प्रक्रियामा भए गरेको अपराधहरुको कथा स्पष्ट गर्नेछन् । त्यसैले टिआरसिको प्रक्रिया द्वन्द्व पीडितका हकमा पनि प्रष्ट हुनुपर्दछ ।
टिआरसि एउटा ठूलो परियोजना हो । यसमा सम्पूर्ण मुलुकको संलग्नता चाहिन्छ । यसका लागि नागरिक समाजसँग व्यापक रुपमा काम गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । सरकारका पदाधिकारीहरु वा टिआरसिसँग संलग्न व्यक्तिहरुले मात्र सम्पूर्ण मुलुकको बेथा बुझ्न सक्दैनन् । धेरै द्वन्द्व पीडितहरुलाई म पीडित हुँ भन्ने थाहा हुँदैन । थाहा भएका मान्छे पनि सरकारको आडभरोस र नागरिक समाजको आश्वासन नभएको अवस्थामा बोल्न चाहँदैनन् । बोलेका कुराहरुलाई बुझिदिनुपर्ने हुन्छ । यो प्रक्रियामा सहानुभूति र सहनशिलताको आवश्यकता हुन्छ । त्यसैले टिआरसिको मेसिनरीमा नागरिक समाजलाई कुन रुपमा हेरिन्छ, यो महत्वपूर्ण कुरा हो । मलाई लाग्दछ, प्रस्तावित विधेयकमा यस बारे प्रष्टता छैन । जबसम्म टिआरसि प्रक्रिया सुरु हुँदैन, द्वन्द्व पीडितहरुको आफ्नै अनुभूतिका आधारमा उनीहरुले कस्तो न्याय प्राप्त गर्नुपर्दछ भन्ने कुराको अन्तिम टिकाटिप्पणी गर्न सकिने छैन । त्यसैले यो प्रक्रिया चाँडोभन्दा चाँडो सुरु हुनु जरुरी छ ।
मेरा कुराहरु आजका लागि यति मै टुंग्याउन चाहन्छु । एकपटक पुनः कार्यक्रम आयोजक संस्था द्वन्द्व पीडित राष्ट्रिय समाजलाई आफ्नो टिप्पणी राख्ने अवसर दिनुभएकोमा हार्दिक धन्यवाद दिन चाहन्छु ।
फेब्रुअरी २, २०१३