In this case, Advocate Rajib Bastola filed a writ petition seeking the Supreme Courts decision to deem Section 8, 11 and 17 (2) of the National Broadcasting Act, 2049 BS unconstitutional as they were in contrast with Section 12(3), 15(1) and 27 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063. Legal provision on the broadcasting of the flow of information through the National Broadcasting Act 1993 targeted for the general public to get informed about impartial as well as authentic news and information taking place at the national and international level. This Act also aimed at making of the broadcasting media reliable, effective and strong with the use of modern technology in the field of information and communications.

Relevant Legislations

Interim Constitution, 2007:

  • Section 12 (3): Right to freedom: a) Freedom of opinion and expression b) Freedom to practice any profession, carry on any occupation, industry and trade.
  • Section 15 (1): Right relating to publication, broadcasting and press: (1) No publication, broadcasting or printing of any news item, editorial, feature, article or other reading and audio-visual material through any means whatsoever including electronic publication, broadcasting and printing shall be censored.
  • Section 27: Right to information: Every citizen shall have the right to demand or receive information on any matter of his or her interest or of public interest.

National Broadcasting Act, 1993:

  • Section 8: Power to cancel license of broadcasting institution: (1) if, any broadcasting institution broadcasts any program in contravention of this Act or the Rules framed hereunder, Government of Nepal may cancel the license obtained by such broadcasting institution. (2) Prior to cancellation of the license under Sub-section (1), Government of Nepal shall give a reasonable opportunity to such broadcasting institution to defend itself.
  • Section 11: Production and Broadcasting of Programs.
  • Section 17 (2): Penalties: (2) If any person broadcasts, or causes to broadcast, any program in contravention of this Act or the Rules framed hereunder or commits, or causes to be committed, any act in contravention of this Act or the Rules framed hereunder, the prescribed authority may punish such broadcasting institution, broadcaster or other related person with fine of up to Ten Thousand Rupees or with imprisonment up to One year or with both punishments.

International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), 1976

1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.

2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.

3. The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; (b) For the protection of national security or of public order, or of public health or morals

In response, the court did not find unconstitutionality with Section 11 and Section 17 (2) respectively. However, in terms of Section 8 regarding the power to cancel the license of broadcasting institutions, the Supreme Court found that this provision was in contrast to the constitutional principle enshrined in Section 15 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal. According to Section 15, ” No publication, broadcasting or printing of any news item, editorial, feature, article or other reading and audio-visual material through any means whatsoever including electronic publication, broadcasting and printing shall be censored.” However, Section 8 of the National Broadcasting Act gives power to the Nepali government to cancel the license obtained by such broadcasting. The court opined that cancelling the license of a broadcasting network would garner the same result as providing censorship to the publication as licenses are an essential pre-requisite for the broadcasting agency to legally function in the country. In this regards, citing unconstitutionality between the parliamentary act and the constitution, the court nullified the provision stated in Section 8 of the National Broadcasting Act.

Comments

In this case, the judiciary has once again exercised its power of judicial review to declare Section 8 of the National Broadcasting Act, 1993 unconstitutional. In doing so, the Supreme Court has re-iterated its preeminence in the judgment as to invalid restrictions. From a governance perspective, arguments can be made that a judicial institution, which is essentially appointed and not elected, should not be allowed to discard rules made by an elected body, i.e. parliament. The lack of accountability for judiciary towards the voting demographic has been argued as a major reason for the possible pitfall for this system. In the United Kingdom, for example, in most cases, the parliamentary Act is seen as a supreme law and the power is vested within the judiciary to interpret the law and not amend it.

However, there is a second school of thought which sees great benefit in the judiciary’s power to exercise its rights to interpret the constitution at the exclusion of any parliamentary acts. The appointed nature of judiciary, according to them, is a huge benefit as it keeps the judiciary independent and unaffected by partisan interests. This, according to many, is the hallmark of a democratic society where checks and balances are provided to keep all the institutions in line with democratic norms. This school of thought has prevailed in Nepal.

In terms of the case at hand, the Constitution recognizes the following grounds for restricting freedom of expression: sovereignty and integrity of Nepal; harmonious relations subsisting among the peoples of various castes, tribes, religion or communities; defamation; contempt of court; incitement to an offence; and acts contrary to public decency or morality. However, the restriction based on protecting “harmonious relations subsisting among the peoples of various castes, tribes, religions or communities” (Article 12 para 3 (1) of the Constitution, as well as in Article 15 of the National Broadcasting Act 1993), is problematic from the perspective of freedom of expression. While it is important to promote harmonious relations, this restriction is too broad and can undermine legitimate expression such as a frank discussion about the caste or ethnic discrimination which is a prevalent issue in Nepal.

In addition, there should be appropriate provisions that impose obligation to establish close and causal links between banned statements and risk to national security. This is a norm in international law. This lack of clarity has been abused in Nepal during the Maoist conflict and was one element in the justification for the widespread clampdown on journalists, media workers and human rights defenders. In essence, regulation of broadcasting should be controlled by a transparent body rather than a ministry to avoid future abuses.

The verdict to amend the National Broadcasting Act to adequately protect the right to freedom of expression in line with international requirements and the protection of media guaranteed in the Constitution is a welcome move. In light of this, the government must create regulatory laws according to international standards and establish regulatory bodies that are independent from government and that operate transparently.

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The development of lease contract went through various stages. It started from being a nominal part in the property law later become an integral part of contract law and finally has developed into a distinct part of contract law.

This development bears some correlation with the economic development of the state. The more economically developed the state the more developed the lease and contract laws they will have.

Lease agreement can be categorized according to various criteria: residential lease/commercial lease; tenancy for year/tenancy for year/tenancy at will; tenancy of sufferance. Further, The duties on the parties while entering into a lease contract are also laid down.

Our existing laws, the Muluki Ain, relating to lease is more an ancient and outdated law. Muluki Ain does not cover issues of modern time.

The drafters of the Bill could have clubbed present Chapter with Chapter 9. Both chapters relate to leasing of property and it would be logical to club them together. The Bill must be applauded for incorporating modern principles such as ‘peaceful enjoyment of property’ and ‘delivery of possession’ which are progress steps. However, definition of the leasable property/item is not clearly defined.

The rights and duties of the lessor and lessee have been prescribed. However, it is strange that the responsibility has been cast upon the lessee to check for the fitment of the property in question. Is it not the responsibility of the lessor to disclose all material fact regarding the usability of the property?. A lessor has to disclose all defects in the property.

Further, the Bill tries to cover aspects relating to sub-lease but fails to address the assignment aspects of the lease. Thus, in general, the Bill is good in concept but the provisions of the Bills need some refinement.

The Bill must clarify the liability of lessor and lessee to pay tax. It is silent as to who has to pay the house tax: whether the lessor who is the owner of the property or the lessee who is enjoying the property?.

The Bill should also incorporate provisions regarding insurance of the property and the duty of which part to bear the cost of insurance. Further, it must contain a phrase wherein it categorically states that the agreement to enter into a lease contract has to be for lawful purpose with bonafide intention. Even though there is a non obstante clause there will be conflicts between the present Bill and existing Contract Act.

The Bill mandates compulsory registration of lease agreement but does not specifically state the authority or institution where the lease agreement has to be registered. The concerned authority or institute where the lease agreement has to be registered needs to be explicitly mentioned in the Bill.

The current effort of bringing everything in one single Act should be avoided in some cases. Contract Act which is a special Act dealing with agreements between party should be amended to insert the provisions contemplated in the present Bill. This will avoid conflict between statutes. Further, the period of the contract must be open for the parties to decide. Deciding the period of contract for the parties is not in the legislative domain and parties must be allowed to decide for themselves.

The Draft Code aims to codify all the offences which were scattered or were unregulated. The main purpose of the Draft Code is to provide uniformity and consolidate laws into one single enactment.

The Draft Code does not define Public Justice, however, it provides for 14 instances when an act is deemed to be offence against public justice. The acts of forgery and perjury have been given utmost importance in the provisions relating to offence against the public justice. And they have come with new perspectives.

Punishing any act which obstructs judicial or investigation procedure is punishable under the Draft Code. The Draft Code further requires all citizens to report to concerned authority when there is commission of any crime. Failure to do so might be an act punishable under the Draft Code. A person instituting a malicious or frivolous complaint/suit is to be punished under the Draft Penal Code.

The laws concerning public interest, health, morality and safety were scattered in various legislation. Some acts were not criminalized or remained unregulated. The Draft Code consolidates all the acts relating to public interest, health, morality and safety in one single statute. Some of the acts put together by the Draft Code include acts of polluting water, forcing someone into begging, assisting and abetting prostitution and gambling etc. One of the new features of the Draft Code is that it criminalizes act which involves display of pornography in the public place. Further, any act or gesture which undermines social integrity or integrity of women, children of ethnic minority may be punishable under the Draft Code.

The Draft Code also has provisions regarding compensation. One can be skeptic regarding effective implementation of the provisions which have been main problem in Nepalese judicial system. The provisions are not victim sensitive. The compensation that is levied from the guilty person/convict goes to state treasury instead of victims. There are many cases where people institute malicious and frivolous suits to implicate or harass other person. There are measures to curb such practices but were unsuccessful. Many people fall prey to such ill practices and are subjected to confinement. These people must be strictly punished as their action has curtailed and infringed his personal liberty. The actions relating to domestic violence are regulated by a separate Act but the Act is not capable of discharging justice to victims. If the provisions relating to domestic violence could be consolidated into this chapter then there might be a possibility that those provisions can be effectively implemented. Further, the compensation aspect does not bear any correlation with imprisonment. The compensation or fine must be increased as the amount stipulated in the Draft Bill is not deterrent enough. Beside, judges tend to impose only fine rather than resorting to imprisonment.

The person who forces or asks another person to make fake document gets a lesser sentence/imprisonment than the person who is making fake document on behest of someone else. Further, the provisions only punish sexual activities which have been seen by public. She was of the opinion that if it comes to knowledge that sexual activities had taken place in a public place all guilty parties must be punished.

 Dr Bipin Adhikari

The Draft Code is a major departure from the Muluki Ain. The language used is very simple and easily understandable by a layman. Section 211(2) of the Draft Code recognizes the right of fetus to inherit property. Further, Section 212 states that any child born out of void or voidable marriage or divorced parents will have the right to inherit property from their parents. Son and daughter both have been allocated responsibility of care of parents. Section 215 states that if a husband/father has already taken his share from the ancestral property during partition then his wife or children’s can only claim a share from husband/father’s property. The wife and children are barred from making any claims from the ancestral property of their husband/father after partition. 



The Draft Code provides for infrastructural development such as road and sewerage aspect to be taken into consideration.



One can express concerns regarding exclusion of provisions when a coparcener is a person who has renounced the world. The existing Code has a provision wherein if a person renounces the world then the person loses his/her right to claim a share from the parental property. Likewise, the present Draft Code is silent regarding the expenditure incurred during marriage of children. Further, the Draft Code has completely overlooked good provision such as casting responsibilities on single parents (widow/widower) in maintaining and providing quality education and health facilities of their minor child until they reach the age of majority. Such expenses may be deducted from the share of the minor if the parents are not capable of meeting such expenses by themselves. As such, the provisions regarding Partition need serious consideration which cannot be improved by minor alterations.



I wonder if there is contradiction between laws relating to partition of property and laws relating to Wills. Does Section 252 relating to ‘Will’ override Partition provisions? The section states that a person by way of a Will can exclude their children’s from inheriting any property from parents. The existing provisions have defined ancestral property as an inherent right and many landmark judgments have been delivered by the Supreme Court on the basis of this inherent right over the property. However, the Draft Code deviates from age old concept regarding property rights of a person which might have consequences. It maybe good or bad, only time will tell. Further, the definition of coparcenaries must be expanded to include brothers and sisters. 

The Draft Code is being enacted to replace the Muluki Ain. It does not however disclose why the change or overhauling of the Muluki Ain was needed. 



The Draft Code regulates the acts which were earlier regulated by Muluki Ain and does not have any radical change in legal provisions.It criminalizes 8 acts including acts of espionage.



The Draft Code aims at repealing the Espionage Act, 2018. However, it criminalizes act of accumulation of arms and treasury in two separate provisions. This repetitive criminalizing of same act is inconceivable.



The act of treason is punishable with incarceration for life or 15 years. However, the terms of life sentence or 15 years should be avoided. The drafter should either use life sentence or imprisonment up to 15 years.



The drafting of the Draft Code is fundamentally flawed as two acts of different degree of offence are clubbed together. Further, the Draft Code punishes many acts but fails to define the offence per se or the element constituting the offence.



The Draft Code criminalizes 14 acts as offences against the Public tranquility. It is clear that most of the acts there are interrelated and very similar in nature. There was no law to regulate unlawful assembly before. Hence the provision regarding unlawful assembly is a welcome move as much needed provision. The provisions regarding offences against public tranquility are also important.



Overall, the offences based on the nature and degree of crime must be segregated with appropriate punishments. Further, the provisions must define the crime and the elements constituting them for effective implementation.



Regarding the offence relating to arms and ammunition, the definition of arms and ammunition must be widened to include tools which cause physical or grievous hurt.



Any act which obstructs a government or state function must be brought under the offences against public tranquility. This step will widely help land acquisition process and assist in rapid development of the country. The concept regarding common intention must be clarified to prevent innocent individuals from being victimized.

The reason why only attack on the President constitutes offence against the state was mainly because the President is regarded as the head of the state. However, even Prime Minister and other constitutional heads must be included. 

Dr Bipin Adhikari

Everyone is aware that women have been denied justice and have had to bear added injustice due to certain trends and behaviors that are in common practice aimed at women solely due to the fact that they are women. Equality between men and women is much discussed about, but in general equality has not been achieved because the focus remains on maintaining the official equality based on the principles of equality. Due to the prevalence of patriarchal thought, even the law of the land which is supposed to provide justice is lacking unknowingly in giving gender justice. Unless the legal framework can address the special status and needs of women as a result of their natural characteristics and the biological body processes, justice will not be balanced.



In addition if the discrimination created from the social gender is defined as culture and used as a resource or the basis of creating laws, it will not be able to achieve equality. Until a century ago there were provisions in the law that allowed for women who were accused of practicing “witchcraft” to be forced to consume human feces. From the gender perspective it is proof that the laws are completely unjust because discriminatory clauses within currently prevalent laws of Nepal have been clearly identified. 



A taskforce to correct, update, and incorporate Nepal’s criminal law according to the needs of time, was formed as per the Council of Minister’s decision taken on 3 December 2008. Among the methodologies adopted by the taskforce were the review of periodic legal principles by the Supreme Court, international conventions on human rights that Nepal is signatory to.



In the changed context of Nepal, the draft Criminal code, Criminal Proceedings Code, Criminal Offence (Punishment and implementation) Act, is expected to give full justice from the gender perspective. The Criminal Code is a united a substantive law that has related to criminal offence. Criminal proceeding code is the process that should be used in terms of criminal offence. In the context of the changes that have taken place in giving and administering punishment, the Criminal Offence (Punishment and Implementation) Law was made to punish the offender according to the gravity of the crime and the role of the offender.



In light of this, the Draft Civil Code 2068 was brought forward to provide protection for women against the prevalent ills in the society. Historically, marriage was been defined as: “A ceremony, civil or religious, that creates the legal status of husband and wife and the legal obligation arising from that status,…parties to marriage must be respectively male and female as determined at birth sex change operation have no legal effect must not be already married to someone else and must enter into marriage freely.” However, modern day conceptions of marriage have been broadened to include unions between a man and another man or a woman and another woman. The validation of gay rights has led to the legalization of gay marriages in various jurisdictions around the world. 



Similarly, CEDAW (Art. 16) has provided equal rights for marriage for men and women and equal rights to choose their respective life partner as well as equal rights for consensual marriage. In light of this, according to the presenter, the proposed bill is a welcome step in the right direction. Similarly, in the context of abortion, Roe v Wade has been identified as a landmark decision. The historic Supreme Court decision overturning a Texas interpretation of abortion law and making abortion legal in the United States has had subsequent knock on effect on various jurisdictions around the world. This has been further codified in subsequent international treaties as well as domestic legislations of various states. In light of this, Nepal’s efforts to provide adequate abortion laws, to protect both the mother and the unborn child, have to be commended. However, the presenter acknowledged the need for amendments to the provisions mooted in the Draft Civil Code, 2068.



In light of this, some of the recommendations for the proposed bill on “Marriage related Offences” and ” Abortion related Offences” are as follows: 



1. As per the current bill, (Sec 176) the legal age for marriage for male and female are 22 and 18 respectively. Experts have advocated for equal age restrictions to be put for either male or female. Similarly, experts stressed the need for an adequate definition for marriage in the draft bill (Sec 173) as well as mandatory provisions for registration of marriage. This will deter the parties from entering into a marital bond for devious purposes. In addition, this will provide protection to the parties in seeking their rights granted to them post marriage.



2. Experts highlighted the need to institutionalize marriage through an eligibility license system. According to him, just like driving license, law practicing license, medical practitioner’s license, there should be an evaluation system to ascertain the eligibility of citizens to marry. This has many benefits: Firstly, it will institutionalize marriage. Secondly, it will gradually eradicate the prevalence of child marriages. Thirdly, it will create awareness among the contracting parties of their rights prior and subsequent to marriage. And finally, it will create an even standard for citizens of any gender to enter into a marital bond.



3.Further, experts stressed the need to have stringent laws to deter perpetrators from remarrying (Sec 178). In addition, it is suggested that even under circumstances which grant legal rights to couples for remarrying (e.g. sexually transmitted disease such as HIV AIDS), there should be finalization of the first marriage, i.e. divorce, prior to entering into second marriage [Sec 178 (2) ] . In terms of limitation, there is a need to clarify whether the stipulated 3 month period is to file a case at the local police station or whether it is to go to court. Also, the limitation section needs to declare what would be the outcome in case the limitation period has been exceeded in terms of polygamy/endogamy. Would the court validate either? 



4. Under Sec 174 (3): The registration of Marriage should be conducted in the presence of both husband and wife. In light of the prevalent abuses in Nepal, it is suggested that the bill should include provisions for women to register their marriages, on their own, at the registration agency upon the reluctance of the husband to do so. This, according to experts would prevent husbands to abuse the law through non-registration.



5. Further, Under Section 174, Subsection 5 should be added which includes the responsibility for the marrying pandit, priest, and pastor (depending upon respective religions) to document the marital ceremonies of each couple. Further, the subsection should oblige the priests to keep a register of all the marriages undertaken with witness signatures and provide that to the marriage registration agencies on an annual basis.



6. Under Section 176 (2): Age limit of men and women for marriage to be 18, if consent is granted by the parents. This, according to experts, should be extended to 21 years for both men and women. Keeping in mind the reproductive health of the women, it is widely accepted scientifically that conception during teenage years could pose a risk to the mother’s health. In light of this, the proposed bill should increase the age limit even if the consent is granted by respective parents.



7. Under Section 176, Subsection 5 should be added, which provides protection to the identity of the “marriage related offence” informant.



8. Under Section 177, Subsection 2 should be added, that provides equal inheritance rights to son as well as daughter and prohibits dowry altogether.



9. Under Section 178 (Prohibiting Second Marriage) , Subsection 5 should be added providing protection to the born child given that the second marriage has taken place without wife’s knowledge. The child born out of wedlock should be able to claim inheritance from both the mother and father, subsequent to the termination of marriage. In addition, the child’s nurturing aspects such as: nutrition, education, health care should be undertaken by both parents equally. In case, the mother is unable to take care of the child, then the father should bear the responsibility for the child’s nurture.



10. Under Section 178, Subsection 6 should be added that protects the inheritance rights of the first wife and their children in case the husband marries a second wife. In such wedlock, the second wife will not be entitled to any inheritance at the exclusion of the first wife and her children. However, if the second marriage has taken place in which the second wife had no knowledge of the first marriage, then, the second wife will be entitled to compensation from the husband’s potion of this property, ascertained after partition with the first wife and her children.



11. Section 179 should be added penalizing civil servants from multiple marriages. In such cases, it is advocated that such perpetrators should be terminated from their services with immediate effect.



12. Under Section 190 (6), regarding abortion, the sentence for intentionally causing abortion through physical or mental distress, to the pregnant woman, should be increased. Please find below the existing provision and, in bracket, the suggested penal sanction:



i) If the pregnancy is 12 weeks, then the punishment should be 1 month ( Increased to 3 months)



ii)If the pregnancy is 25 weeks, then the punishment should be 3 months ( Increased to 6 months)



iii) If the pregnancy is more than 25 weeks, then the punishment should be 6 months ( Increased to 1 year) 



13. To minimize unsafe abortion which is still persisting in villages, messages about legalization of abortion should be well informed by media and women should be educated to seek services as early as possible.



14. Abortion related cases should be conducted in closed in camera proceedings. In addition, even if the perpetrator of abortion is the pregnant woman herself, she should not be discarded from receiving the adequate nutritional and health care services provided by the state.



It is suggested that, in addition to enacting laws, there should be other implementation aspects initiated by the state. For example, school curriculums need to incorporate “marriage” as a taught module. Village Development Committees need to make youth clubs mandatory in every regions. The awareness program regarding the enacted laws should be widely conveyed to the public through radios, television etc.



After internationally committing to end all types of discrimination against women, Nepal must try to maintain gender justice from all angles in its state administration. For this it is important to analyze all policies, laws, and regulatory mechanisms through the gender perspective. In this context some of the newly made clauses of the criminal offence Act draft have been analyzed from the gender perspective. 

 Dr Bipin Adhikari

After internationally committing to end all types of discrimination against women, Nepal must try to maintain gender justice from all angles in its state administration. For this it is important to analyze all policies, laws, and regulatory mechanisms through the gender perspective. In this context some of the newly made clauses of the criminal offence Act draft may be analyzed from the gender perspective. 



A task force to revise, update, and incorporate Nepal’s criminal law according to the needs of time, was formed as per the decision of the Council of Minister taken on 3 December 2008. Among the methodologies adopted by the task force were the review of legal principles laid down by the Supreme Court, international conventions on human rights to which Nepal is a signatory.



Therefore, it is logical for anybody to expect the draft Criminal Code, Criminal Procedure Code, Criminal Offence (Punishment and Implementation) Act, to be reassuring in the gender perspective. 



The Criminal Code has unified the substantive law related to criminal offences hitherto this day. Criminal Proceeding Code lays down procedures that should be used in the matter of all criminal offences. In the context of the changes that have taken place in giving and administering punishment, the Criminal Offence (Punishment and Implementation) Law was made to punish the offender according to the gravity of the crime and the role of the offender.



In light of this, the Draft Civil Code 2068 was brought forward to provide protection for women against the prevalent ills in the society. Historically, marriage had been defined as: “A ceremony, civil or religious, that creates the legal status of husband and wife and the legal obligation arising from that status,…parties to marriage must be respectively male and female as determined at birth sex change operation have no legal effect must not be already married to someone else and must enter into marriage freely.” However, modern day conceptions of marriage have been broadened to include unions between a man and another man or a woman and another woman. The validation of gay rights has led to the legalization of gay marriages in various jurisdictions around the world.



Similarly, CEDAW (Art. 16) has provided equal rights for marriage for men and women and equal rights to choose their respective life partner as well as equal rights for consensual marriage. In light of this, the proposed bill is a welcome step in the right direction. Similarly, in the context of abortion, Roe v Wade has been identified as a landmark decision. The historic Supreme Court decision overturning a Texas interpretation of abortion law and making abortion legal in the United States has had subsequent knock on effect on various jurisdictions around the world. This has been further codified in subsequent international treaties as well as domestic legislations of various states. In light of this, Nepal’s efforts to provide adequate abortion laws, to protect both the mother and the unborn child, have to be commended. However, the the need for amendments to the provisions mooted in the Draft Civil Code, 2068 must be acknowledged.



There are some additional comments. There is a need to re-evaluate the legal age for marriage. As per the current bill, the legal age for marriage for male and female are 22 and 18 respectively. What if there is equal age restrictions for both male or female. Similarly, the need for an adequate definition for marriage in the draft bill as well as mandatory provisions for registration of marriage is also there. This will deter the parties from entering into a marital bond for devious purposes. In addition, this will provide protection to the parties in seeking their rights granted to them post marriage. 



Again, what about the need to institutionalize marriage through an eligibility license system? Just like driving license, law practicing license, medical practitioner’s license, what is there is an evaluation system to ascertain the eligibility of citizens to marry. This has many benefits. Firstly, it will institutionalize marriage. Secondly, it will gradually eradicate the prevalence of child marriages. Thirdly, it will create awareness among the contracting parties of their rights prior and subsequent to marriage. And finally, it will create an even standard for citizens of any gender to enter into a marital bond.



There is also a need to have stringent laws to deter perpetrators from remarrying. Even under circumstances which grant legal rights to couples for remarrying (e.g. sexually transmitted disease such as HIV AIDS), there should be finalization of the first marriage, i.e. divorce, prior to entering into second marriage. In terms of limitation, there is a need to clarify whether the stipulated 3 month period is to file a case at the local police station or whether it is to go to court. Also, the limitation section needs to declare what would be the outcome in case the limitation period has been exceeded in terms of polygamy/endogamy. Would the court validate either? 

 Dr Bipin Adhikari

The provisions regarding debtor-creditor relationship is scattered all over Muluki Ain. There is no specific chapter in the Muluki Ain which deals with relationship between creditor and debtor. The present Bill keeping that in mind has made an attempt to compile all the provisions relating to debtor-creditor relationship into one single chapter.

There is definition of debtor-creditor relationship in Section 495 of the Bill. It is defined as the relationship between two or more people in lieu of exchange for money or goods. Further, Section 496 slightly deviates from existing provisions when it defines any liability in terms of money or goods to create relationship of debtor and creditor.

The provisions of the Draft Code seem to be reader friendly and usage of simple language has made the understanding of law more comprehensible to laymen.

The present provisions builds on the old and existing provisions of the Muluki Ain. The provisions are refurbished in a simpler language without conducting any scientific study about the problems and the challenges faced during the implementation of the present provisions. There is a fear that the existing problems in the laws have not been properly addressed by the present Draft Bill.

It is wrong to believe that the Draft Code will revolutionalize the Nepalese legal system. The provisions do not fully address the prevailing loopholes in the law. For example, there is a provision attempting to regulate interest. It is well within its right to regulate interest rates when one of the parties is State but interest amongst the private parties should be left upon their discretion. Private parties must be free to determine their own interest rates.

The parties especially Creditor tends to keep the interest rate ambiguous by using various phrases such as ‘interest rate as per the market rate’. This kind of practice has led many Debtors being victimized. The Draft Code should strictly ask the parties to enter into a written agreement which clearly states the interest rate and duties of the parties. Section 508 of the Draft Code states the Karta/Head of the Family may enter into an agreement wherein the common property may be kept as collateral with the Creditor. However, the term karta or head of the family is not defined in the Draft Code. The Draft Code should clearly state who can be termed as a head of the family and what are his/her duties towards the property against which loan amount is secured.

The usage of term ‘competence’ and ‘quasi competence’must also be clear.

Dr Bipin Adhikari

गृहयुद्धको पृष्ठभूमिमा फौजदारी न्यायको खोजीको कुरा गर्दा एसियाली देश कम्बोडियाको आफ्नै महत्व छ । कम्बोडियाले एकप्रकारको अनुभव त दिन्छ नै, तर त्योभन्दापनि बढी एउटा कठोर पाठ सिकाउँछ ।

यो लेखकले सन् १९९९ मा कम्बोडियामा संयुक्त राष्ट्र विकास कार्यक्रमको ‘सेकण्डमेण्ट’ मा त्यहाँका राष्ट्रसंघीय मानवअधिकार उच्चायुक्तको कार्यालयमा काम गर्दा यस विषयमा केही अनुभव गर्ने अवसर पायो । त्यसबेला संक्रमणकालीन न्यायका बारेमा प्रशस्त असफल प्रयत्नहरु भएका थिए । अन्ततः सन् २००६ मा आएर मात्र यसका लागि संयन्त्रको व्यवस्था हुन सक्यो । यस लेखले त्यसबेलाको अनुभव तथा पछि भएका प्रयत्नहरुका आधारमा संक्रमणकालीन न्यायको कम्बोडियन प्रयासलाई उल्लेख गर्दछ । फौजदारी अन्यायको पृष्ठभूमिबाट विश्लेषण सुरु गर्न सकिन्छ ।

फौजदारी अन्यायको पृष्ठभूमि
दोस्रो विश्वयुद्धताका सम्म कम्बोडिया एसियाको सम्पन्नतम् मुलुकमा पर्दथ्यो । तर युद्ध उपरान्त यसको भविष्य शीतयुद्धको चपेटामा परेको थियो । सन् १९७५–७९ को अवधिमा कम्बोडियाले कठोर गृहयुद्ध भोग्नुप¥यो । त्यहाँको माओवादी एवम् क्रान्तिकारी परिवर्तनको राजनीतिमा विश्वास गर्ने दल ‘खमेर रुज’ यो गृहयुद्धको सुत्राधार थियो । अधिकांश कम्बोडियालीहरु ‘खमेर’ जातिका छन् । खमेर रुजको औपचारिक नाम कम्पुचिया साम्यवादी पार्टी थियो । फ्रान्सले सन् १९५३ मा कम्बोडियालाई औपनिवेशिक मुलुकका रुपमा मुक्त गरेपछि खमेर रुजका नेता पोलपोटले तुरुन्तै आफ्नो राजनीति अघि बढाए । उनलाई त्यसबेलाको कम्बोडियाको भूराजनैतिक स्थितिले विशेष प्रोत्साहन पनि दियो । कम्बोडियाको छिमेकी मुलुक भियतनाम अमेरिकीहरुसँग द्वन्द्वरत थियो । उत्तर भियतनाम चिनीयाहरुको नियन्त्रणमा थियो भने दक्षिण भियतनाम अमेरिकीहरुको । अमेरिका–भियतनाम युद्धताका कम्बोडियाले आफूलाई तटस्थ घोषणा ग¥यो । तर कम्बोडियाका राजानोरोदोम सिहानुकउत्तरी भियतनामसँग मिलेको अमेरिकीको बुझाई थियो । वास्तवमा कम्बोडियाले उत्तरी भियतनामलाई सैन्य अखडा उपलब्ध गराएको थियो । कम्बोडियाको अर्को छिमेकीमुलुक थाइल्याण्ड युद्धरत नभएपनिलगभग अमेरिकी नियन्त्रणमा रहेको स्थिति थियो । यस्तो परिस्थितिमाचर्को राष्ट्रवाद र माओवादको दाबीगर्ने खमेर रुजले आफ्नालागिराम्रो उर्वर भूमिप्राप्तगर्न सक्यो । करिब दुईदशकको राजनीतिपछि पोलपोट एउटा शक्तिशाली पार्टीका नायक भइसकेका थिए । माया गरी बोलाउनेले उनलाई ‘ब्रदर नं. वान’पनिभन्दथे ।

सन् १९७० मा अमेरिकीहरुको सहयोगमा जेनरल लोन नोलले कम्बोडियाका राजासिहानुकलाई अपदस्थ गरे । त्यसबेला भियतनाम युद्ध विस्तारै कम्बोडियामा पोखिन थालिसकेको थियो । त्यसैले राजा सिहानुकले त्यसैले द्वन्द्वरत साम्यवादी शक्तिहरुको सहयोग लिए । भियतनाम युद्धले कम्बोडियाको अर्थ व्यवस्थालाई जर्र्जर बनायो । राजाले धान्न सकेको भए राजा अपदस्थ हुने थिएनन् । साँढेको जुधाई र बाछाको मिचाइ एउटा उपयुक्त प्रसंग थियो । राजा विस्थापित हुनुको एउटा कारण यही थियो । राजाले साम्यवादीहरुको मान्छे भइदिनाले साम्यवादी समूहहरुलाई शक्तिप्राप्तगर्न सजिलो भयो । त्यसबेला कम्पुचिया कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी दह्रो भएर आइसकेको थियो । यसले अमेरिकी आक्रमण र लगातारको बमबर्षालाई आधार बनाई धमाधम आफ्नो पार्टीमा कम्बोडियन युवाहरुलाई भर्ना लिन थाल्यो । यसले विस्तारै राजा सिहानुकका समर्थक र जेनरल लोन नोलको विरोध गर्ने स्वतन्त्र एवम् प्रजातान्त्रिक समूहहरुलाई पन्छाउन सुरु ग¥यो । यो काममा केही सफलता पाएपछि यो पार्टीले लोन नोलको सेनालाई हराउँदै राजधानी सहर फ्नोम्पेन्ह लगायत सम्पूर्ण मुलुकलाई सन् १९७५ माआफ्नो नियन्त्रणमा लियो । यसरी सम्पूर्ण शक्तिप्राप्त गरेपछि यो पार्टीले करिब २० लाखजनतालाई सहरबाट गाउँतिर खेद्यो । उद्देश्य कृषिउत्पादकत्व बढाउँदै नयाँ कृषिमा आधारित समाजवादी कम्बोडियाको स्थापना गर्नु थियो । यसका साथै यो पार्टीले जातीय सिद्धान्त पनि प्रतिपादन ग¥यो । यस अनुसार जो कम्बोडियाका बहुसंख्यक ‘खमेर’ जातिका थिएनन्, तिनलाई क्रमशः निमिट्यान्न पार्ने उद्देश्यपनि यो पार्टीले राख्यो । त्यस्ता सबै व्यक्तिहरु जसले खमेर रुजको विरोध गरे, उनीहरुलाई गोली ठोकियो तथाविरोध नगरे पनि असहयोग गर्नेहरुलाई क्रमशः मास्न थालियो । यो प्रक्रियाबाट कम्बोडियाका आमजनताले भोक, रोग, यातना तथा आमहत्या दिनदिनै खप्नुपर्ने भयो ।

यो पृष्ठभूमिमा स्न १९७९ मा भियतनामले कम्बोडियामा आक्रमण ग¥यो । यसबाट खमेर रुज अपदस्थ हुनपुग्यो । उनीहरु देशका विभिन्न स्ट्रङ्गहोल्ड क्षेत्रहरुमा छरिए । तैपनि यसले छापामार यृद्ध गर्न छाडेन । सर्वसाधारण को उत्पीडनमा कुनै कमि आएन । १९७९ सम्ममा खमेर रुज को शासनबाट करिब १७ लाख कम्बोडियमहरु मासिइसकेका थिए । उनीहरुलाई थाइल्याण्ड र चीनबाट हतियार तथा सहयोग प्राप्त थियो । अमेरिका र बेलायतले पनि खमेरुजलाई नै सहयोग गरे । उनीहरुलाई कम्बोडियाको कुनै सरोकार थिएन । सहयोगको कारण त्यसबेलाको शीतयुद्ध थियो । त्यसैले खमेर रुजहरुलाई बुद्वमार्गी, अल्पसंख्यक, बौद्धिक तथा राजनितीक प्रतिपक्षहरु उपर आफ्नो कारबाही जारी राख्न गाह्रो भएन । द्वन्द्वलम्बिदै जादाआफ्नो पाटी भित्रकै असमतपक्षलाई पनिकारवाहीहुनथाल्यो । १९७९ माभियतनामी सेनाले अपदश्थ गरे पछि पनि १९ वर्ष सम्मगुरिल्ला युद्ध चलिरहेको थियो । सन् १९९० को सुरुवातसँगै पार्टीका रुपमा खमेर रुज चोइटिन थाल्यो । सन् १९९८ मा खमेर रुजका नेतापोल पोटको मृत्यु पछि मात्रउनीहरुको आदोलन समाप्त भएको मानिन्छ । लगभग त्यसैबेला खमेर रुजका ऐंग सेरी जस्ता नेताहरु लाई माफी दिइएको थियो । उनी खमेर रुजका शासन कालमा विदेश मन्त्री थिए । त्यस्तै खमेर रुजका लडाकुहरुलाई पनि कम्बोडियाको सेनामा भर्ती गर्न थालिएको थियो ।

सन् १९९८ देखिनै कम्बोडियामा खमेर रुज आन्दोलनमा भएका अपराधीहरुलाई कानुनप्रति उत्तरदायी बनाउने प्रयासहरु सफल हुन सकेन । कस्तो किसिमको संयन्त्रबाट संक्रमणकालीन न्यायको व्यवस्था गर्ने भन्ने सम्बन्धमा छलफल नभएको होइन । दुई दर्शक सम्मचलेको सशस्त्रद्वन्दकाकारण सुरुमा यो गर्न सकिएन त्यस पछि पनित्यस्ता युद्ध अपराधिकहरुलाई कसरि कारवाही गर्ने भन्ने कुरामा एक मतहुन सकेन । कतिपय मान्छे जेभयो भयो अब पछाडिका कुरा भुलेर अगाडि बढ्नु पर्दछ भन्दथे । अन्यको भनाइ भने अपराधिको पुर्पक्ष गर्नु पर्दछ र यसका लागि स्वतन्त्र न्यायालयको व्यवस्था गर्नु पर्दछ भन्ने थियो । अन्र्तराष्ट्रिय पुर्पक्षको हकमा सरकार पटक्कै तयार थिएन । तर स्थानिय न्यायिक वातावरण हेर्दा कम्मोडियाकै अदालतवाट त्यहाँका गम्भिर अपराधिहरुलाई निष्पक्षतापुर्वक न्याय हुन सक्दैन किभन्ने सोचाई अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदाय राख्दथियो । न स्थानियरुपमाविकल्पहरुकाबारेमा साझा दृष्टिकोर्ण देखिन्थ्यो न तःअन्र्तराष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रनै यसबारे धेरै प्रस्ट देखिन्थ्यो । केही पक्षहरुले ट्रुथ कमिसनको कुरा नउठाएका होइनन् । यसले संक्रमणकालीन न्याय व्यवस्थापनको विषयमा केही लचकता दिन सक्थ्यो । राजनैतिक परिस्थिति स्थिर हुन नसकेको परिस्थितिमा यो प्रक्रियाबाट कामकारबाहीको उठान व्यवहारिक पनि हुन्थ्यो होला । भविष्यलाई प्रभावित नगरिकन यो प्रक्रियामार्फत् मानवअधिकारको ज्यादती खपेका पीडितहरुलाई स्वतन्त्र संयन्त्र अघि उपस्थित भई आफ्नो कुरा राख्ने अवसर दिनुका साथै केही प्रकारका उपचार दिन सक्थ्यो । तर यो कुरा त्यति स्वीकार्य हुन सकेन ।

खमेर रुजको कुरा गर्दा यसको संगठनको संरचना पनि बहसमा आउँछ । यसका पदाधिकारीहरुको माथिदेखि तलसम्मको संरचना वा पिरामिड प्रकारको संरचना थियो कि थिएन भन्ने प्रश्न पनि गरिन्छ । केवल एउटा समूहलाई मात्र कारबाही गरेर पुग्दैन । खमेर रुजभित्र पनि विग्रह थियो र धेरै समूहहरु थिए । उनीहरु सबैले ज्यादती गरेको मानिन्छ ।

केही मानिसहरुको भनाई थियो, खमेर रुजका बारेमा धेरै कुरा जानकारीमा आइसकेको थियो । यसले गरेका अपराधहरुका बारेमा पर्याप्त रुपमा तथ्यहरु मिडियाले बाहिर ल्याइसकेको थियो भने धेरै प्राज्ञिक महत्वका विवरणहरु पनि आइसकेका थिए । त्यसैले देशभित्रको परिस्थिति हेर्दा बृहत जनसहभागिताको अवसर खोजिएकै थिएन । खासगरी कम्बोडियन सरकार टु«थ कमिसनको माध्यमबाट मानवअधिकारको उल्लंघनको विषयलाई तहकिकात गराउने पक्षमा छँदै थिएन । अभियोजन गर्ने अधिकार नपाएको टु«थ कमिसनले अपराधी समाउने र न्यायिक प्रक्रियामा ल्याउने अवस्था नै थिएन । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायलाई यो प्रावधान विनाको टु«थ कमिसनमा खास रुचि थिएन ।

कम्बोडियाका प्रधानमन्त्री हुन सेन आफैं पनि खमेर रुजका आर्मी अफिसर थिए । सुरुमा उनले अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय अदालत नै चाहिन्छ भन्ने गर्दथे, तर सन् १९९८ सम्म आउँदा नआउँदा उनी निकै बलियो भइसकेका थिए । अब उनको नयाँ भनाई के थियो भने पुराना कुरालाई खाल्डो खनेर गाड्नु पर्छ । सामान्यतया जनमत आपराधिक उत्तरदायित्वको हिसाबकिताब गर्नका लागि तयार थियो । तर प्रधानमन्त्री तयार थिएनन् । स्वतन्त्र अदालतको स्थापनाका बारेमा संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघले निकै जोड गरेको थियो । सरकारका मान्छेहरु पनि अदालत स्वतन्त्र नै होस् भन्ठान्थे । तर उनीहरुले त्यस्तो स्वतन्त्रता अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय प्रभाव नपरोस् भन्नका लागि खोजेका थिए । संक्रमणकालीन न्यायको प्रक्रियामा कम्बोडियनहरुकै नियन्त्रण होस् भन्ने उनीहरुको सोचाई थियो । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायले पनि स्वतन्त्र अदालत खोज्दथ्यो । तर त्यसको अर्थ सरकारी पक्षले यो प्रक्रियालाई असर गर्न नसकोस् भन्ने थियो । त्यसैले सबै पक्षलाई मिलाउँदा मिलाउँदै वातावरण मिश्रित अदालती परिपाटी (हायब्रिड ट्राइब्युनल) तर्फ उन्मुख भयो ।

मिश्रित अदालतको व्यवस्था
बल्ल–बल्ल दुबै पक्षकम्बोडिया भित्रै राष्ट्रिय र अन्र्तराष्ट्रिय विशेषताभएको एउटा मिश्रीत अदालत स्थापना गर्ने कुरामा सहमत् भए । जनवरी २००१ मा कम्बोडियाको संसद्ले एक्सट्राअर्डिनरी च्याम्बर्स इन द कोर्टस अफ कम्बोडिया (इसिसिसि) स्थापनाका लागि एउटा ऐन पारित ग¥यो । यो ऐनले इसिसिसिलाई सन् १९७० को दशकमा गरिएका हत्याहरुका लागि मूल रुपमा जिम्मेवार व्यक्तिहरुलाई कानुनको दायरामा ल्याउने उद्देश्य राख्यो । राष्ट्र संघले यो अदालतको संरचनाको कुरामा चित्त नबुझेका कारण यसलाई स्थापना गर्ने वार्ताबाट अलग्गियो । सन् २००३ मा पुनः दुवै पक्ष यो प्रक्रियालाई अघि बढाउन सहमत भए । इसिसिसिले २००६ देखि आफ्नो कामकामकारबाही सूरु ग¥यो । कम्बोडियाको न्यायिक परम्परामा न्यायाधिश तथा सार्वजनिक अभियोजनकर्ता दुबै एउटै अदातलका कर्मचारी हुन्छन् । तर उनिहरु बिच व्यवसायिक स्वतन्त्रता हुन्छ । त्यसैले इसिसिसिले खमेरुजका बरिष्ट नेताहरु तथाआमहत्या, मानवता बिरुद्धका अपराधतथाअन्यगम्भिर ज्याजतिहरु माथिअभियोजन सुरु ग¥यो ।यस मिश्रीत अदालतमाकम्बोडियन तथाअन्र्तराष्ट्रिय न्यायाधिश, सार्वजनिकअभियोजन कर्ता, प्रतिरक्षात्मक समुहतथाप्रशासनिक सहयोगिहरु छन् ।अदालतलाई संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ तथाअन्र्तराष्ट्रिय दाताहरुले सहयोग गरेको छन् ।

कार्यविधि
इसिसिसिको गठन प्रक्रिया गाह्रो छ । पहिलो त यो आफैं अदालत हुनु भन्दा पनि भइरहेका अदालतहरुको असाधारण कक्ष (एक्स्ट्राअर्डिनरी च्याम्बर्स) हो । यसमा सुरु अदालत तथा सर्वोच्च अदालत दुवै छन् । उनीहरुको क्षेत्राधिकारमा अप्रिल १७, १९७५ देखि जनवरी ६, १९७९ का बीच सत्ताधारी खमेर रुज पार्टी (प्रजातान्त्रिक कम्पुचिया) अपराध, कम्बोडियन फौजदारी कानुनको गम्भीर उल्लंघन, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मानवतावादी कानुन एवम् परम्परा र कम्बोडियाले मानिआएका अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय महासन्धिहरु अन्तर्गतका अपराधहरु पर्दथे । यी अपराधहरुमा आमहत्या तथा मानवताविरोधी अपराधहरु प्रमुख हुने नै भए ।

इसिसिसि स्थापना गर्न बनेको ऐनले कम्बोडियाको कायम रहेको कार्यविधि कानुनलाई नै मान्यता दिएको थियो । खासगरी समस्याको कारण तीन किसिमका कक्षहरुको व्यवस्थापन थियो – प्रि ट्रायल च्याम्बर, ट्रायल च्याम्बर र सर्वोच्च अदालत च्याम्बर । प्रि ट्रायल च्याम्बरमा तीनजना कम्बोडियन र दुई जना अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय न्यायाधीशहरुको व्यवस्था गरिएको थियो । कम्बोडियाको प्रचलनमा न्यायाधीशहरुले सुनुवाई पनि गर्छन्, अनुसन्धान तहकिकात पनि गर्छन् । तर जसले सुनुवाई गर्छ, उसले अनुसन्धान तहकिकात गर्दैन र जसले अनुसन्धान तहकिकात गर्छ, उसले सुनुवाई गर्दैन । तद्अनुसार ती न्यायाधीशहरुले तहकिकात गर्ने न्यायाधीशहरुद्वारा तहकिकात भइरहँदाको अवस्थामा सम्बन्धित पक्षको मोसन र अपिलहरुको सुनुवाई गर्दछन् । निर्णय गर्नका लागि पाँचजना मध्ये चारजना न्यायाधीशहरुको मुख मिल्नु पर्दछ । मुद्दामामिलाको तहकिकात सकिएपछि सुनुवाईका लागि सो मुद्दा जान्छ भने यसलाई ट्रायल च्याम्बरले सुनुवाई गर्नुपर्दछ । यो च्याम्बरमा तीनजना कम्बोडियन र दुईजना अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय न्यायाधीशहरु हुने व्यवस्था थियो । यसमा पनि प्रतिवादीलाई अपराधी ठहर गर्नका लागि पाँचमध्ये चारजना न्यायाधीशको मुख मिल्नु पर्दछ । ट्रायल च्याम्बरले गरेको निर्णयहरु सर्वोच्च अदालत च्याम्बरमा अपिल गर्न सकिन्छन् । यसमा चारजना कम्बोडियन र तीनजना अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय न्यायाधीशहरु रहन्छन् । यसले सातजना न्यायाधीशहरु मध्ये पाँचजनाको मुख मिलेपछि निर्णय गर्न सक्दछ ।

इसिसिसिमा प्रत्येक मुद्दा हेर्नका लागि दुईजना अनुसन्धान तहकिकात गर्ने न्यायाधीशहरु छन् । एउटा कम्बोडियन र अर्को अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय । उनीहरुले सहअभियोजनकर्ताले पेश गरेको विषयवस्तुमा प्रारम्भिक अनुसन्धान गर्दछन् । गरिएको अनुसन्धानको निष्कर्ष अनुसार ती सहअनुसन्धानकर्ता न्यायाधीशहरुले अभियोजन पत्र दाखिल गर्दछन् र उक्त विषयलाई पुर्पक्षका लागि पठाउँछन् । उनीहरुलाई सो विषयवस्तुलाई रद्द गर्ने अधिकार पनि छ । सहअभियोजनकर्ताहरु मध्ये एकजना कम्बोडियन र अर्का अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय हुन्छन् । जो अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय हो, ऊ सहअभियोजनकर्ताहरुको कार्यालयको प्रमुख पनि हो । उसले कम्बोडियन र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कर्मचारीहरु मार्फत काम गर्दछ । उनीहरु इसिसिसिबाट स्वतन्त्र हुन्छन् तथा प्रारम्भिक अनुसन्धान गरेर मुद्दाहरु अनुसन्धान गर्ने सहअनुसन्धानकर्ता न्यायाधीशहरुलाई बुझाउँछन् तथा इसिसिसिको सबै तहमा मुद्दा अभियोजन गर्दछन् ।

इसिसिसिलाई दोस्रो विश्वयुद्धपछि गठन गरिएको नरेम्बर्ग ट्राइब्युनल जत्तिकै ठूलो प्रक्रिया भनी कतिले लेखेका छन् । यस अन्तर्गत मुद्दा चलाइएका व्यक्तिहरु सबै उच्चपदाधिकारी हुन् । दिइने सजाय मध्ये सबैभन्दा ठूलो जन्मकैद नै हो ।

इसिसिसिको कामकारबाहीमा पीडितहरुको सहभागितालाई महत्व दिइएको छ र यस कार्यमा संक्रमणकालीन न्यायको संयन्त्रका रुपमा पीडितहरुलाई समेट्न खोजिएको छ । इसिसि अन्तर्गत पीडित सहायता शाखा खोलिएको छ । पीडितहरुले यस शाखामा उजुरीहरु ल्याउन सक्छन् । आफूसँग सम्बन्धित मुद्दामा उनीहरु देवानी पक्ष (सिभिल पार्टी) का रुपमा पनि संलग्न हुन सक्दछन् । इसिसिका सबै कामकारबाहीहरुका बारेमा पीडितलाई जानकारी दिनुपर्ने व्यवस्था छ । यी विषयहरु इसिसिको आन्तरिक नियमावलीबाट व्यवस्थित छन् । इसिसिले खमेर रुजको कुनै पनि पीडितलाई अतिरिक्त अनुसन्धानका लागि सहअभियोजनकर्ताहरु समक्ष उजुरी दिन समर्थ बनाएको छ । यसका अतिरिक्त यदि सहअभियोजनकर्ताहरुले अनुसन्धानरत न्यायाधीशहरुलाई उक्त उजुरी पठाउने निर्णय गर्दछन् भने उक्त अपराधबाट आरोपित अपराधको पीडितहरुले नागरिक पक्षका रुपमा उक्त मुद्दामा संलग्न हुन अनुसन्धानरत न्यायाधीशहरुलाई निवेदन दिन सक्छन् । नागरिक पक्षका रुपमा अभियोजन कार्यलाई सहयोग गर्नुमा पीडितहरुको सक्रिय भूमिका हुन्छ । आन्तरिक नियमावलीले उनीहरुलाई प्रमाणहरु प्रदान गर्ने, साक्षीहरु बोलाउने, आफ्नै साक्षीहरु उपस्थित गर्ने, मुद्दाको फाइल पुनरावलोकन गर्ने तथा आरोपित व्यक्तिलाई सिधै सोधपुछ गर्ने अधिकार दिएको छ । यद्यपि अदालतका केही आदेशहरुले त्यस्ता पीडितहरुले आफ्नो कुरा वा प्रमाण प्रत्यक्ष रुपमा त्यसरी पेश गर्ने भन्दा कानुन व्यवसायीको सहभागिताद्वारा गर्ने भन्ने उल्लेख गरेको छ ।

राष्ट्रसंघले निष्पक्ष र पारदर्शी प्रक्रियाहरुलाई लागु गर्न प्रयास गरेको देखिन्छ । तर त्यो कति प्रभावशाली रह्यो भन्ने कुरा एउटा प्रष्ट जवाफ दिन नसकिने प्रश्न हो । गृहयुद्ध पीडितहरुलाई राष्ट्रसंघले सान्तवना दिनसक्ने स्थिति छैन ।

कार्यान्वन पक्षः अनन्त प्रक्रिया ?
इसिसिसिले विभिन्न कारणले गर्दा राम्रो काम गर्न सकेको छैन । बस्तुगत रुपमा तथा स्वतन्त्र भएर अदालती संयन्त्रको रुपमा यसले काम गर्न नसकेको आक्षेप पनि छ । सुरुदेखि नै इसिसिका प्रक्रियाहरुका बारेमा प्रश्न उठिरहेको देखिन्छ । भ्रष्टाचार र राजनीतिकरणले इसिसिसिलाई छोइरहेको देखिन्छ । यसका प्रक्रियाहरु पनि कतिपय अवस्थामा नियमित हुन सकेका छैनन् । इसिसिसिका राष्ट्रिय कर्मचारीहरुले तलबको विषयमा र समयमा तलब नपाइएको भनी पनि इसिसिसिको कामकारबाहीहरु रोकेका छन् ।

पहिलो कुरा, फौजदारी कानुनको आधारविना कसैलाई पनि अपराधी मान्न सकिँदैन (नलम क्रिमेन सिने लेगे) भन्ने सिद्धान्तका कारण पनि एक्स्ट्राअर्डिनरी च्याम्बरका रुपमा गठन गरिएको उक्त अदालत सुरुमै विवादमा प¥यो । जस्तो चारजना प्रतिवादीहरुले इसिसिसिमा यस निकायको वैधता नभएको र जुन अवधिको अपराधका लागि उनीहरुलाई आरोपित गरिएको छ, सो अवधिमा सो अपराध कानुनको किताबमा नकिटिएको उनीहरुको जिकीर थियो । इसिसिसिको कानुन अनुसार यो अड्डामा मुद्दा चलाउन मुलुकको विद्यमान कानुन, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुन तथा अपराध गरिएका अवस्थामा प्रचलित परम्परागत कानुनका आधारमा कारबाही गर्न सकिन्थ्यो । त्यस्तै आमहत्याका अपराध वा मानवता विरोधी अपराधहरु सन् १९७५ ताका नै परम्परागत अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनमा आइसकेका थिए । कम्बोडियाले जेनेभा कन्भेन्सन्हरु स्वीकार गरेकाले यसैका आधारमा पनि मुद्दा चलाउन सकिन्छ भन्ने प्रि–ट्रायल च्याम्बरको सोचाई थियो । यो विषयले अदालतलाई निरन्तर विवादमा ल्याई नै रह्यो ।

एक्स्ट्राअर्डिनरी च्याम्बरहरु असाधारण भनिए पनि यसको टाइमिङ्ग र पुर्पक्षको क्षेत्रका बारेमा पनि प्रश्न उठ्यो । केही मानवअधिकारमुखी अधिवक्ताहरुको भनाई थियो कि पुर्पक्षको कुरा लामो अवधिसम्म झुण्ड्याएराख्न मिल्दैन । कारबाही गर्न धेरै ढिला भइसकेको छ । आरोपित व्यक्तिहरु अहिले पनि खुला रुपमा घुम्दैछन् र इसिसिसिका कामकारबाहीहरुलाई कम्बोडियाको सरकार र प्रधानमन्त्री स्वयम्ले छेकबार गर्दैछन् । आजसम्म पनि कसलाई अभियोजन गर्ने र कतिवटा मुद्दा चलाउने भन्ने कुरा विवादमै छ । प्रधानमन्त्री यसका बारेमा अनुदार दृष्टिकोण राख्दछन् । न्यायाधीशहरुमध्येका कम्बोडियन न्यायाधीशहरु निरन्तर सरकारको दवाबमा भएको पनि भनिएको छ । यसका साथसाथै अड्डाका अभियोजनकर्ताहरुले अभियोजन सम्बन्धी विषयमा तजबिजी अधिकार पाउन सकेका छैनन् । उनीहरुले आफूले गरेको अनुसन्धानहरु अनुसन्धान गर्ने न्यायाधीशहरुलाई बुझाउनु पर्ने व्यवस्थाको धेरैलाई चित्त बुझेको छैन । यी न्यायाधीशहरुले नै प्रमाणहरु पर्याप्त छन् कि छैनन् र उजुरी अघि बढ्न दिने हो कि नदिने हो भनी निर्णय गर्दछन् ।

अहिलेसम्म इसिसिसिमा पाँचजना उपर मुद्दा चलाइएको छ । तर केवल एकजना मात्रको अभियोग ठहर भएको छ । कमरेड डुच भनिने केङ्ग गुएक एभ (मुद्दा दर्ता नं. ००१) लाई मात्र मानवताविरुद्धको अपराधमा दोषी ठहर गरिएको छ । उनी अहिले जन्मकैद निर्वाह गर्दैछन् । राजधानी नोम्पेनस्थित (एस–२१) कारागारमा पन्ध्रहजार कैदीहरुको हत्याका लागि उनलाई जिम्मेवार ठह¥याइएको थियो । दोस्रो केस नुअन चियाको थियो । उनी पोल पोटका दाहिन हात मानिन्थे । उनलाई ‘ब्रदर नम्बर टु’ भनिन्थो । तेस्रो केस खिउ सम्फानको थियो । उनी भूतपुर्व राष्ट्राध्यक्ष थिए । तर खमेर रुजका भूतपुर्व परराष्ट्रमन्त्री एङ सेरी बित्न गए । उनकी श्रीमती एङ थिरिथ पनि खमेर रुजकि वरिष्ठ व्यक्ति मानिन्थिन । उनको मानसिक स्थिति ठिक नभएको भनी उनी उपर पूर्पक्ष गरिएन । तेस्रो र चौथो मुद्दा रोकिन पुगेको छ । जुन नामहरु उपर तहकिकात हुुँदैछ, तिनका बारेमा औपचारिक घोषणा गरिएको छैन । यद्यपि ती नामहरु पत्रपत्रिकामा आइरहेकै छन् । इसिसिसिको अहिलेसम्मको कारबाही यत्ति हो ।

दुईसय मिलियन डलरभन्दा बढी खर्च गरेर केवल एकजनालाई मात्र जेल चलान गर्न सक्नु निश्चित रुपमा अदालत र सम्बद्ध क्षेत्रबाट पैसाको कुन रुपमा दुरुपयोग भएको छ भन्ने कुराको प्रमाण हो । कम्बोडियाको सरकार उपरोक्त मूल अभियुक्तहरु बाहेक अरु विरुद्ध कारबाही चलाउन तयार देखिँदैन । धेरै अभियुक्तहरु उपर कारबाही चलाइएमा क्रमशः त्यो अहिलेको सरकारका प्रधानमन्त्री हुन सेन र अन्य ठूला मान्छेहरुसम्म तन्किने खतरा सरकारले देखेको कतिपयको भनाई छ । वास्तवमा पहिलेको युगोस्लाभियामा यस्तै पृष्ठभूमिमा १६१ व्यक्तिलाई अभियोग चलाइएको थियो । रुवाण्डामा ९५ जना र सियरा लियोनमा २२ जनालाई मुद्दा चलाइएको इतिहास छ । जबसम्म मूल मान्छे सबैका बारेमा तहकिकात हुँदैन र तिनलाई कानुनको दायरामा ल्याइँदैन, यसबाट न्यायको उद्देश्य पूरा हुन सक्दैन । कम्बोडियाको राजनीतिमा धेरै प्रभावशाली व्यक्तिहरु खमेर रुजसँग सम्बन्धित थिए । प्रधानमन्त्री हुनसेन आफैं नै खमेर रुजको एउटा बटालियनका कमाण्डर थिए । उनका बारेमा किताबै लेखिएको छ । गृहयुद्धमा भियतनाम भाग्नुभन्दा पहिले भएको लडाइँमा उनले एउटा आँखा गुमाइसकेका थिए । यो बटालियनले अल्पसंख्यक मुस्लिमहरुको एउटा समूहलाई हताहत गरेको आरोप छ । हुनसेनले त्यसबेला आफू अस्पतालमा उपचाररत रहेको उल्लेख गरेका छन् । तर फौजदारी दायित्वको कुरा सरकारले होइन, अदालतले छिनोफानो गर्ने विषय हो । मुद्दा नै प्रवेश गर्न दिइँदैन भने समष्टिगत रुपमा संक्रमणकालीन न्यायको उद्देश्य कसरी पूरा हुन्छ भन्ने बारेमा व्यापक जनगुनासो छ । यो गुनासो सही पनि हो ।

संरचनागत रुपमा मुद्दा चलाउन नदिइएको एउटा कठोर आलोचना हो । तर अन्य आलोचनाहरु पनि छन् । जस्तो प्रधानमन्त्रीको छेउछाउका कतिपय वरिष्ठ व्यक्तिहरुलाई अदालतमा बयान दिन दिइएको छैन । अहिलेको राष्ट्रियसभाका अध्यक्ष हेङ सामरिङ र सिनेटका अध्यक्ष चिया सिङ यो समूहमा पर्दछन् । हेङ सामरिङ त धेरै नजिकबाट खमेर रुजको क्रियाकलाप बुझ्ने मान्छे हुन् । उनी गृहयुद्धपछिको ठूला नेता पनि हुन् । यी आलोचनाहरु माझ त्यति ठूलो खर्च र न्यायिक प्रक्रियामा भएको ढिलासुस्ती र आमजनतामा देखिएको निराशालाई हेर्दा इसिसिसिले राजनीतिक वैधता गुमाइसकेको जस्तो देखिन्छ । तर यो कछुवाको चालमा कुनै उत्साह विना कार्यरत नै छ ।

ठूला मान्छेका कुरा बाहेक पनि हजारौं मध्यम स्तरका खमेर रुज लडाकूहरु छन्, जो गृहयुद्धकालमा शरणार्थीहरुसँगै भागेर विश्वका धेरै मुलुकमा रहेबसेका छन् । उनीहरुबाट भएको फौजदारी अन्यायको लेखाजोखा अब नहुने भएको छ । उनीहरु कम्बोडियाको इसिसिसि परिपाटीमा कहिल्यै नआउने भए । उत्पीडितहरुको सहभागिता गराउनु पनि अदालतको उद्देश्य हो । अभियुक्तलाई उपस्थित नगराई उत्पीडितहरुले कसरी उत्पीडनका बारेमा बोल्न सक्दछन् । यसो त करिब तिस हजार युद्ध पीडितहरु इसिसिसिमा पुगेको देखिन्छ । उनीहरुले न्यायिक कारबाहीहरु हेर्न पाएका छन् । टेलिभिजन र अनलाईन कार्यक्रमबाट पनि अदालतको कामकारबाही खुल्ला राखिएको छ । सजाय पाएका अपराधिहरुले सजाय पाएको अधिकारीको सम्बन्धमा अदालतले नैतिक एवं सामूहिक क्षतिपुर्ति दिन पाउने अधिकार राख्दछन् । तर तथानाम खुला तरिकाले पीडितहरुलाई संलग्न गराउँदा न त पीडितको इज्जत हुन सकेको छ, न अदालतको कारबाही स्फूर्तिका साथ हुन सकेको छ । कतिपय अवस्थामा कार्यविधिगत कुराहरुलाई छोट्याइएको र अनुसन्धान र अभियोजन प्रक्रिया छरितो हुन नसकेको पनि भनिँदैछ ।

कम्बोडियामा भएका अपराधहरुको कम्बोडियाभित्रै मुद्दा चलाउने वा पुर्पक्ष गरिएको कुरालाई धेरैले महत्व दिन्छन् । झट्ट हेर्दा कुरा ठिकै लाग्दछ । विदेशमा लगेर आफ्ना नागरिकलाई कारबाही गर्ने प्रचलन मन नपराउनेलाई इसिसिसि राम्रै विकल्प थियो । तर सायद विदेशमा लगेर यी प्रक्रियाहरु सुरु गरिएका भए कम्बोडियामा जस्तो शिथिल प्रक्रिया हुने थिएनन् । त्यसबाट केही न केही अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय स्तर कायम गर्न मद्दत मिल्दथ्यो । यस्तो प्रक्रिया देशमा गर्दा निश्चय नै धेरै कम्बोडियनहरुले युद्ध अपराधका बारेमा सुशिक्षित हुने अवसर पाए होलान् । तर न्याय गरियो भन्ने कुरामा शंका भयो भने यस्तो सुशिक्षाको के अर्थ हुन्छ ?

यि सबैको तात्पर्य केहो भने कम्बोडियालि जनताले त्यति विभत्स गृहयुद्ध बिर्साउने गरी न्याय पाएका छैनन् । अदालत कार्यरत छ तर यसले न्याय दिन सक्छ कि सक्दैन अझै धेरै वर्ष पर्खनुपर्ने देखिन्छ । ढिलो न्यायले न दण्डहिनतालाई सम्बोधन गर्न सक्छ, न न्याय नपाउनेलाई न्याय दिन सक्छ । फेरि एउटा कुरा के प्रष्ट छ भने जतिसुकै एक्स्ट्राअर्डिनरी च्याम्बर्स बनाए पनि मुलुकको मानवअधिकारको यथार्थ नियमित अदालतहरुको क्षमता र सरकारको सहयोगी दृष्टिकोणमा भरपर्दछ । यो दृष्टिकोणबाट हेर्ने हो भने आज पनि कम्बोडियामा मानवअधिकारको स्थिति असाध्यै कमजोर छ । यसका लागि अत्यावश्यक वैध कानुनको शासन (रुल अफ ल) हो । यसको अभाव त्यहाँ छँदैछ ।

अनुभवले के देखाउँछ भने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदाय पनि धेरै भरपर्दो हुँदैन । शुरुमा कम्बोडियाको सरकार र अन्र्तराष्ट्रिय समुदाय मिलेर खर्च भर्ने नितिमा सहमत भए पनि पछिपछि यि दूवैको प्राथमिकतामा परिवर्तन देखिएका छन् । सरकारलाई यो प्रक्रिया अनुत्पादक लाग्दछ भने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायका आआफ्ना प्राथमिकताहरु छन् । गत महिना कम्बोडियाका प्रधानमन्त्रीलाई भेट्दा संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघका महासचिवले कम्बोडिया सरकारले इसिसिको खर्च मध्ये केही खर्च निर्वाह गरिरहेकोमा धन्यवाद दिएको समाचार छापिएको थियो । अर्थात अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायले पनि इसिसिसिको प्रक्रियामा आन्तरिक स्रोत नै खोजिरहेको देखिन्छ । उता अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायका कतिलाई च्याम्बर्सको अवधारणा नै गलत भन्ने पनि महसुस भएको हुनु पर्दछ । तर छोडेर हिँड्ने स्थिति पनि छैन । त्यसैले जसले सहयोग गरिआए उनीहरुले सानोतिनो रुपमा भए पनि सहयोग जारी राख्नु जरुरी ठानिएको छ ।

निष्कर्ष 
अन्नतः कम्बोडियाको इसिसिसिको अनुभव अनुकरणीय बन्न नसक्ने देखिन्छ । इसिसिसिको असफलता देखिदै रहनुको एउटा कारण क्लिष्ट अदालतको व्यवस्था, अपर्याप्त कानुन र पैसाको अभाव हो भने अर्को कारण त्यहाँ व्याप्त भष्टचार पनि हो । कतिपयले अदालतको कामकारबाहीमा राजनैतिक हस्तक्षेपको कुरा पनि उठाएका छन् । यी सबैकारणले गर्दा अदालतले स्फुर्तीसाथ काम गर्न पाएको छैन् । माथि नै उल्लेख गरिसकियो कि यो कार्यपत्र लेख्दासम्म पाँचजनामाथिमात्र कारबाही चलाइएको र एकजनालाई मात्र सजाय सुनाइएको छ । आठ वर्ष लामो प्रक्रियाको प्रतिफल यतिमात्र हो भने यो सन्तोषप्रद हुन सक्दैन ।

(अधिकारी संवैधानिक कानुनका ज्ञाता हुन् ।)