Category: Books

Munshi Shew Shunker Singh & Pandit Shri Gunanand, Nepal: History of the Country and the People (New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1983) (Originally London: Cambridge University Press, 1877) (Edited by Daniel Wright)

Originally published in 1877, the book Nepal: History of the Country and People, translated by Munshi Shew Shunker Singh and Pandit Shri Gunanand, is one of the earliest accounts of the country. The book is the translation of Vansavali or Genealogical History of Nepal.

The original manuscript of the book, according to editor Daniel Wright, was written in Parbate with an admixture of Sanskrit and Newari and was in the possession of Professor Cowell, a scholar of Sanskrit, at Cambridge. Wright also mentions about another draft, “or at all events a similar work, recognized by the Gorkhas and the Hindu races of the country, and its copies were in the British Museum and the University Library of Cambridge.”

The history of Nepal, as covered by the book, is basically the history of the valley of Kathmandu. It is a mix of myths, stories handed down from the past, and some truths and realities. Beginning with the mythological period of the history and extending through the Satya, Treta and Dwapar ages, the book contains numerous curious legends regarding the temples, towns, and holy places of the country.

Editor Daniel Wright, who had the opportunity to spend ten years in Kathmandu Valley, has topped up the book with his Introductory Sketch. In its preface, he has pointed out that the translator Shew Shunker Singh, who was the Mir Munshi attached to the British Residency in Kathmandu at that time, had lived in Nepal for nearly thirty years. The Munshi was assisted, when necessary, by Pandit Shri Gunanand, a native of Nepal, residing at Patan, and whose ancestors, for many generations, according to Daniel Wright, have been compilers of this history. Wright has admitted that he himself was not an oriental scholar and had nothing to do with the translation beyond revisiting it for publication and adding a few notes regarding the customs and places mentioned. According to him, the illustrations in the book are copies of drawings. These drawings were made for him by a native and the portraits photographs taken by a friend.

The book makes an interesting read. It states that even though the country is small in its size, it possess a great variety of races in its population, the principals being Gorkhas, decidedly the best-dressed part of the population, Newars, Magars, Gurungs, Limbus, Kirats, Bhotelis and Lepchas. The Khas and Magar castes have been described as those who came to the Valley with King Mukunda Sen, a brave and powerful monarch. They introduced ‘sinki’ and ‘hakuwa’ rice in the valley. All Nepalese, according to the book, consume a large quantity of tea, which is imported from Tibet, as much as possible. Hinting at absence of educational provisions, it has been pointed out that the subject of schools and colleges may be treated in Nepal as briefly as that of “snakes in Ireland.” Commenting on the sanitary situation, Daniel Wright speaks aloud: “Kathmandu may be said to be built on a dunghill in the middle of latrines.”

This is probably the only book based on Nepal that explains why Nepal has been traditionally described as the country cursed by a ‘sati.’ As the story is given, King Laxmi Narsinha Malla of Kantipur was served by a Kaji named Bhima Malla, who was his great well-wisher. He established thirty-two shops in the city and also sent Nepalese traders to Bhot. He visited Lhasa and sent back to Kantipur a large quantity of gold and silver. He also negotiated with Lhasa authority to return the property of Nepalese subjects dying there to the Nepalese government. Kaji Bhim Malla also brought Kuti, a Tibetan village, under the jurisdiction of Nepal. His services to the King were thus immense. He was even desirous of extending the rule of Laxmi Narsinha Malla, the 16th century King who is attributed of building the Kasthmandap (Maru Sattal) in 1595, over the whole country. However, some people behind the scene persuaded the King that Bhima Malla was aiming at making himself King, and hence, the King put him to death. His wife became a sati and uttered the curse, “May there never be ‘bibeka’ (sound judgment) in this durbar.” The authors of this 1877 book quickly acknowledge in the foot note below: “And her curse seems to have stuck to the country to the present time.” The year 1877 was also the year when Prime Minister Jung Bahadur Rana, who has been frequently referred to in the book, died, creating another wave of instabilities in the country.

Daniel Wright points out in the Introductory Sketch that Nepalese lawyers are not held in much estimation in the country. As the chief justice got a very meager salary of some two hundred rupees a month, the inducements for bribery and corruption were great. As a point of solace, Wright mentions that making an appeal to the Council, which practically means Sir Jung Bahadur, “justice is on the whole pretty fairly administered.” To Jung Bahadur’s credit, Wright clarifies that the old savage code of punishments, which involved mutilations and stripes among other methods, was abolished. 

“Though the poor, people in general are contented [in Nepal] they have few taxes to pay, and their customs and prejudices are not interfered with. Justice is fairly administered, and the ‘law’s delays’ are by no means so great as in more civilized regions. There are no legal harpies to foment litigation, no municipal corporations, no road-funds, no educational taxes, nor any of the thousand and one innovations that so exasperate the subjects of British India …In extradition cases, unless the Nepalese are utterly indifferent in the matter, it is almost impossible to obtain the arrest of a criminal.”

In the Appendix, Daniel Wright has pulled together the list of his great collection of Sanskrit manuscripts bought through the Pandits residing at Bhatgaon and Kathmandu. Some of them are believed to be among the oldest, if not the very oldest, Sanskrit manuscripts in Europe. The book has immense historical value. In the end, the worth of the book must be judged by what it has captured from the mythological or the real history of Nepal.

 

Ludwig F. Stiller, S. J., Nepal: Growth of a Nation (Kathmandu: Human Resources Development Center, 1993)

Ludwig F. Stiller, S. J. is not a new name in Nepal. He was a famous American Nepalese historian who produced a couple of distinguished books on Nepal’s history. The theme of the present work, Nepal: Growth of a Nation, published in 1993, is broad and challenging. It talks about the land and people of Nepal, the vision of the country and its leadership, the politics for profit, control and centralization, and the new awakening. The author covers these themes through the last two hundred years of Nepalese history.

In the opening paragraph of the book, the author states that “the Nepalese nation was born against improbable odds. In the most difficult terrain imaginable, the Nepalese achieved unity and then withstood the British threat to rule South Asia. Today, landlocked and hedged in by great powers, the Nepalese still proudly assert their independence in the family of nations. At home, their chief concern is development. Internationally, though Nepalese troops are everywhere respected, the Nepalese stand for nonalignment and peace. In fact, few have attained the peace the Nepalese enjoy.” Here, the author is speaking his mind about the country as it was in 1993.

The book has fourteen small chapters. Chapter I deals with the land of Nepal and its people. It is based mainly on chapters 1, 2 and 3 of the author’s 1973 book, entitled The Rise of the House of Gorkha. Chapter II deals with the Founder of modern Nepal, King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who unified the smaller principalities in Nepal to form a strong country. The unifier, Stiller mentions, “respected and worked with the regional, cultural, social and fiscal administrations he found, no matter how disparate they seemed.” Forty years later, after the unifier’s death in 1775, Stiller points out, Nepal suffered its greatest single military set back at Almora in Kumaon in Anglo-Nepal War (1814-16). This is the background with which Chapter III deals with the spoils of the war.

Chapter IV is a narrative of the country’s painful growth. When King Rana Bahadur dismissed Bahadur Shah, the regent of Nepal from 1785 to 1794, and began to rule the country directly, he was only nineteen years of age. As the court was deeply divided by factions, the situation demanded an experienced leader to govern the country. However, King Rana Bahadur was still young and inexperienced. The reforms Bahadur Shah, his uncle, proposed in 1793 suggested that he had finally come to grips with the financial problems that the newly-unified country faced, but those reforms were never implemented. Here, Stiller notes that “nothing more was heard of them once the new king took control of the state.”

Chapter V is about the Anglo-Nepal War, as noted above, and its handling by Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa. Unlike the other great leaders in Nepal, Stiller states Bhimsen Thapa was “neither a man of vision nor gifted with a sense of history.” Chapter VI analyzes postwar stagnation in the country while Chapter VII explains the power politics in the new context. Stiller makes it clear at this point that by ordering the death of Prime Minister Mathbar Singh Thapa, Rajendra Bikram Shah, the King at the time, “destroyed the last vestige of trust the people placed in him.”

Chapter VIII is the account of the Mutiny and the rise of Jung Bahadur – the founder of Ranarchy or the system of hereditary prime ministers in Nepal. The next chapter covers Jung Bahadur’s last few years. Despite Jung’s autocratic rule, Stiller makes a point that “his reforms did indeed strengthen the nation.” Chapter X deals with Ranoddip and Bir Shamsher, the next Rana rulers. Chapter XI and XII are about Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher, who in Stiller’s opinion, greatly stabilized Nepal during his time. Similarly, despite several problems, Chandra bequeathed to succeeding Prime Ministers a growing Nepalese nationalist movement. Chapter XIII covers the subsequent political awakening in the country. Building on this, Chapter XIV, entitled “In the End is the Beginning,” deals with the author’s last few remarks.

Written in a very lucid manner, Stiller’s book highlights Nepal’s growth after its unification by King Prithvi Narayan Shah until the dawn of democracy in 1950-51. Many of his themes, as listed in the beginning, build on what the author has already worked on: The Silent Cry: the People of Nepal 1816-1839 (1976), Planning for People: A Study of Nepal’s Planning Experience (1979) (co-authored with Ram Prakash Yadav), Letters from Kathmandu: the Kot Massacre (1981) and The Rise of the House of Gorkha (1995).

In the context of what happened in 1950-51, the year of revolution, some of the analysis in the book is very illuminating. The effort to explain how Jawahar Lal Nehru, India’s Prime Minister at the time, was able to manipulate Nepal’s situation to India’s advantage makes Chapter XIV interesting to any reader.

The posthumous 2001 publication of the ‘Atmabritanta’ of Late B. P. Koirala, the leader of 1950-51 revolution, has already given history students the perspective of manipulation straight through the horse’s mouth. It is so enlightening that Stiller was able to explain this situation with such accuracy so many years ago. At the climax of movement, Nepali Congress planned for the abduction of King Tribhuvan, who would be taken from Kathmandu to Western Nepal, presumably Palpa. They thought of establishing a constitutional government under the King from Palpa itself. There was a plan to revolt against the Rana government by sections of the Nepal army. The abduction of King Tribhuvan was to take place in September, during the week-long Indra Jatra festival, and the revolt in the army was to be sparked by several ‘C’ class Ranas and Shah family officers. The Indians in Kathmandu were clever enough to outbid the Congress and write a new course for the revolution.

As Stiller has clarified, “after King Tribhuvan and his family left Kathmandu on November 10, 1950, the battle for control of Nepal began in earnest. That very afternoon, a Nepali Congress plane airdropped leaflets over Kathmandu to announce the Congress revolution and appeal for popular support. The following day, the Congress liberation army raided Birganj and ‘liberated’ government offices there. On November 12th, the Congress airdropped leaflets over other major town in Nepal. Nehru put an end to this. On November 15th, before the Congress could carry out a major attack, the Uttar Pradesh government in India banned the use of Indian railways for paramilitary action against Nepal. The following day, air flights from Indian territory over Nepal were banned. King Tribhuvan was Nehru’s guest, and Nehru intended to use his presence in Delhi to force the Prime Minister, and if necessary the Nepali Congress, to negotiate a peaceful settlement.”

As the story goes, “Nehru’s proposal was the Delhi compromise. Despite the Government of India’s restrictions on their activities, the Nepali Congress liberation army launched successful attacks in both East and West Nepal. By the time the Congress had these victories to report, Mohun Shamsher had already accepted the Delhi compromise. The Congress case was further weakened by the fact that there had been no mass uprising in support of the congress revolution. Although the Delhi compromise denied the Congress the total victory Congress leaders felt necessary to bring about real change in Nepal, they were obliged to accept the Delhi compromise or be left completely out of the final solution.”

Stiller reminds, “In the meanwhile, Nehru used to India’s advantage Mohun’s assurance that Nepal would stand by the new government of India as it had the old. On July 1, 1948, Nehru asked him officially for the services of ten battalions of the Nepal army for garrison duty in India. The Indian Ambassador explained that this would free the Indian army for duty in Kashmir (and in Hyderabad, as it later turned out). When Mohun discussed Nehru’s request with the British ambassador, the Ambassador warned him that compliance with this request might impede Nepal’s application for membership in the United Nations. … Reluctantly, Mohan signed the agreement on July 18th. BY August 5th the troops were their way to India, where they served from August 1948 until April 1949. During that time, India settled both the Kashmir and Hyderabad issues to its own satisfaction. In 1949, Nepal’s application for admission to the U.N. was vetoed. Not until 1955 did Nepal sign admission to this world body.”

The story goes on: “Nehru continued to press the Nepalese Prime Minister. The Nepal India ‘standstill agreement of 1947 had implied that Nepal and India would eventually sign a treaty defining their relationship more accurately. When Mohun visited Delhi in February, 1950, he learned that Nehru had prepared just such a treaty. In their discussions, Mohun and Nehru covered the whole range of Nepal-India relations. When Mohun returned to Kathmandu, he carried the text of two treaties: one, a Treaty of Peace and Friendship, the other, a Treaty of Trade and Commerce. Along with the treaties, Mohun had carried Nehru’s firm reminder that he would have to introduce political reforms.” The Treaty of Trade and Commerce was calculated to “prevent Nepal from developing into a little Hong Kong, serving as an entrepot between the international market and India.” As far as the second treaty was concerned, the secret letters of exchange accompanying the treaty contained a modern version of the traditional clause, “your enemies will be our enemies, and our enemies will be your enemies.” “The Nepalese had shied away from their principle in all their dealings with the British, and the whole weight of Nepalese history was against accepting it now.” Mohun had set out to prove to Nehru that friendly relations between Nepal and India required no political change in Nepal. With this treaty, Nehru was clearly asking to prove it. “Almost unchanged, the treaties were signed in Kathmandu on July 31, 1950.”

In his Epilogue, Stiller notes that the end of the Rana rule in 1950 was incidental in a way. “The real challenge to the Nepalese people was the democratic era.” On this, Stiller explains that the post 1950 political developments have been frustrating for the growth of the nation. “King Mahendra indicated his intense dissatisfaction with the direction the political debate had taken by his intervention of December, 1969. In his constitution of 1962, King Mahendra introduced Panchayat democracy in a serious effort to strengthen the voice of the people. Three major amendments to that constitution underlined the difficulty of opening the political debate to the people in a country with such poor communications.” The state bureaucracy during the Panchayat system, notes Stiller, was also reluctance to yield power to the people. The good thing, however, was “the large turnover of elected officials in later Panchayat elections suggest[ing] that the people had begun to take their future into their own hands.”

Stiller further adds: “The popular movement of 1989 that led to a complete change of government and the restoration of parliamentary democracy was a clear sign that the will of the people was not heeded by those then in power. Whether or not the government swept into power by that popular movement will function according to the will of the people remains to be seen. It seems certain, however, that the people, under the guidance of their King, will prevail over the hesitancy of the elite to accept the constraints of a democratic system.”

 Reading again, after 18 years of its publication, the book Nepal: Growth of a Nation is still a concise but a very thoughtful analysis of Nepal’s experience with its nation-building challenges. Stiller has both the heart and mind to explain the vicissitudes Nepal had to face over the two hundred years of its unstable history. No doubt, the book is a great piece of work.

Lok Raj Baral, Nepal – Nation-State in the Wilderness: Managing State, Democracy and Geopolitics (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2012)

Nepal is at very crucial stage of its history as a “nation state.” While every state by definition is a political and a geographical unit; the nation is a composite cultural and/or ethnic creature. This creature can be defined as group of people who are bound together into a single entity, through history, customs, value, language, culture, tradition, art and religion.

On the contrary, a state is just a patch of land with a sovereign government. As a politico-judicial entity, which is identified by its sovereign rights, a political state constrains the intrusion of outsiders in its internal affairs. When ‘nation’ and ‘state’ coincide, they form a “nation state” which not only assumes a collective political existence of the people living together with an official language(s), a system of law, a currency system, and a bureaucracy to order elements of society, but also presupposes the diversity of unified national identity.

As a nation state, Nepal has its own realities. The new book of Professor Lok Raj Baral Nepal: Nation-State in the Wilderness is a comprehensive attempt to explore these realities in the background of its history and the efforts towards democratic consolidation. Several weeks of mass protests in April 2006 followed by several months of peace negotiations between the underground Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists), the crisis government dealing with the so called ‘people’s war’ and Indian agencies, often acting behind the scene, overturned the evolutionary process of change in Nepal. It also set aside the course of the policy of national reconciliation – the basis of Nepal’s political development so far. This is a significant aspect of recent political change in Nepal. Baral has tried to explain this change on the basis of his characteristic vantage point.

The new process culminated in (a) a November 2006 peace accord, (b) the promulgation of an interim constitution and (c) the elections to the constituent assembly. The assembly elected to draft and adopt a new constitution for the country was expected to chart out a new democratic vision for Nepal and its system of government. Baral explores the contours of the nation state in the wilderness covering a wide spectrum of important issues around these changes, their antecedents, future course and beyond.

There are six chapters in the book. As an introductory chapter, Chapter I is devoted to trace out the parameters of Nepali politics: the thrust of Nepalese people for liberal democracy, ambiguities in the change process, political disjuncture or break with the tradition and the 2006 mass movement. Here, he also describes what he considers the rediscovery of a nation state, values of secularism, the role of fractured parties, and external influence in the politics of Nepal. Chapter II is a precise effort to revisit Nepali state. Baral explains the wars Nepal fought in the history, the treaties it signed and signposts of Nepal’s diplomacy in Chapter III. Then follow a sizable chapter on the issues of democracy, peace and development. In Chapter V, Baral explains Nepal vis a vis the modern world, focusing on the geopolitics. Here, Baral discusses Nepal in the context of its immediate neighborhood. The last chapter is an analysis for the future.

In his preface to the book, Baral maintains that the work is the product of his “long observation and study of Nepali state, politics, political elites, and their orientation.” He has described the finding of his research as the “sum and substance of [his] long academic career.” Although he does not clearly specify the objective of the book, he has unmistakably “tried to make a unified theme by knitting together the origin, growth and limitations of the modern Nepali state, people’s role that came by way of their desire for democracy and the active geo-politics.” The author acknowledges that the book “does not provide any definite clue to the future of Nepali state and democracy. Yet it gives a perspective on the unfolding scenario and their consequences.”

Mapping the overall situation of Nepal, and its future challenges, the concluding paragraph of Baral’s last chapter has the following direction: “Paradoxically the state [in Nepal] has not reached the terminal point [despite the vicissitudes that he has explained]; neither has it given us any promising picture for the future. Democracy is in peril, so is the vitality of the state. Prolonged transition and polarized and uncertain politics may be more alarming when foreign powers start showing their active presence than ever before and when the political and other elites become too weak to manage them. Political parties that take position for and against any country themselves would make these powers active and interventionist as the recent developments have demonstrated.” The reference apparently hints at India, and responses of Nepal’s major political parties on its ghastly meddling in Nepal, its internal affairs and external relations.

What has not been covered in the book of Baral is the sad reality that all these efforts in the post 2006 scenario and the actors who led the process failed. Had Baral waited by any chance for another couple of months to publish his work, he would have been able to cover the 27 May 2012 demise of the constituent assembly without accomplishing its task, and the nature of disaster that the country is to manage in the upcoming months. By all these machinations, India has established itself in Nepal, setting aside the factors of stability and sustainable political development. This is the factor that will continue to trigger off quiet responses from other quarters as well.

If this particular perspective is not ignored, many of Baral’s arguments on monarchy, the process of national unification and evolution of Nepal’s politics, the challenges of national reconciliation and nation building, and the role of neighboring countries might entail alternative explanations. As Nepal moves into the second decade of the 21st century, a new power rivalry is taking shape between India and China. It does not seem to be possible to explain the “nation-state in the wilderness” without giving credence to the fact that Nepal is in the range of high-tech geopolitics. The context of the collapse of distance brought about by the advance of military technology must not be minimized. For an average Nepalese, what ails more is Nepal’s national security. The treatment given by Professor Baral to this aspect of his theme is not adequate.

Yet the book Nepal – Nation-State in the Wilderness is a significant addition in the library of political science of contemporary Nepal. It is a ‘must read” book for the political analysts of Nepal and abroad who want to pursue his themes more.

Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal and the Territories Annexed to this Dominion by the House of Gorkha (Edinburgh: Longman, 1819)

The book of Francis Buchanan Hamilton An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal is the second book in English ever written on Nepal’s history. The first is the 1811 book by Colonel William Kirkpatrick, which was worked on before 10 November 1793.

Hamilton spent fourteen months in the country, during 1802-1803, mostly in the vicinity of Kathmandu, as a low profile visitor of the British government. He spent another two years along Nepal’s tarai frontier. Apparently, the intention behind his mission was to report to the authority back home about his findings on the state and people of this Himalayan country. The book of Hamilton is the only account which discusses the entire country of Nepal and does not limit itself to the Kathmandu Valley or its vicinity.

As a foreign visitor, Hamilton “employed to obtain information, so far as [he] prudently could, without alarming a jealous government or giving offence to the Resident, under whose authority [he] was acting.” He had some support of Colonel Crawford, at that time surveyor-general in Bengal, with several drawings of Nepal and valuable geographical surveys and maps. The account of Nepal by Kirkpatrick which was already published by that time had provided him with certain definite background to proceed.

Hamilton worked with some Nepali and Indians to trace out the details about the tribes, the physical features of the country, laws and government and the various princely states that formed the unified Nepal. Trained as a physician, he seemed to be good in geography, zoology and botany as well. That helped him a lot in making his study visit a success.

Hamilton divided his book in two parts. Part I has two chapters. Chapter I deals with the inhabitants of Nepal. Here he deals with what he describes as Hindu colonists from ‘Chitaur’, ‘Asanti’ and ‘Chaturbhuja.’ Attempts have been made here to describe the Hindu tribes east of the Kali River here. There are descriptions on Brahmans, their diet, festivals and offspring. He has specific mentions about Rajputs, and adopted and illegitimate low tribes in the Hindu community. This follows his general observation on the customs of these mountain Hindus east of the Kali, and those west of it. Then he provides details about Magars, Gurungs, Jariyas, Newars, Murmis, Kirats, Limbus, Lapchas and Bhotiyas. The later group has been described by him as tribes who occupied the country previous to the arrival of Hindus. Chapter II is about the nature of the country, the plains, hills and mountains, their production, animal and vegetables, cultivation, climate, rivers, and so on. Chapter III devotes to laws and government of Nepal. There are orientations on courts and forms of proceeding, punishment, provincial government, revenue and endowments, state officers and military establishment. They all make the book interesting reading.

In Part – II, there are two chapters. Chapter I has four sections – each dealing with Sikkim, the dominions of the family descended from ‘Makanda Sen’, Raja of Makwanpur, and the history of Nepal Proper previous to the conquests by the ‘Gorkhalese’, and the countries belonging to the Chaubisi and Baisi Rajas. Chapter II deals with the countries west of the River Kali. The second part is a valuable record on distinct political units of Nepal including Sikkim, Sen Dominions, Nepal Proper, Baisi-Chaubisi and Kumaon-Garhbal-Barh Thakuri. There are notes on twelve petty chiefdoms in the western Himalayas. The book describes Nepal as it stood previously to the war with the British, commencing in the end of the year 1814. There are interesting information in Part – II as well.

The book of Hamilton stands out as the best of the early accounts of Nepal. Beginning the first part, the author describes Nepal, a name celebrated in Hindu legend, as the country in the vicinity of Kathmandu, but as it stands now it means the whole territory of the unified Nepal. East from the Nepal Proper, he notes, the mountains are chiefly occupied by Kirants, who are frequently mentioned in Hindu legend as occupying the country between Nepal and ‘Madra’, the ancient denomination now called ‘Bhotan.’ Towards the west again, according to Hamilton, “the country between Nepal and ‘Kasmir’, over which the present rulers of the former have far extended their dominion, in the ancient Hindu writings is called Khas, and its inhabitants Khasiyas. I am told, that, wherever mentioned in ancient records, like the Kirats, their neighbours to the west, the Khasiyas are considered as abominable and impure infidels.” 

For any reader, this book is a window of knowledge about many important aspects of Nepal at that point of time. While the book is very useful, there are many factual errors, hearsay and misinterpretation. One significant example is his thinking that the Khas people are different from the mountain Hindus. They are the same lot in Nepal, but with different levels of reception of Hindu values. His reference that Hindus of mountains arrived there following invasion by the ‘Muhammedan’ king of ‘Dili’ is another mistake of fact. Hamilton noted that the king wished to marry a daughter of the Raja of ‘Chitor’ or ‘Chitaur’, celebrated for her beauty, and the offer was denied. There is simply no truth in the story. Maybe there are unknown exceptions, but most of the rulers he described as Hindu colonists from ‘Chitaur’, ‘Asanti’ and ‘Chaturbhuja’ have been indigenous rulers, and the story of their connections with these places have been willful fabrication for political benefits.

Similarly, Hamilton described the mountain Hindus as “deceitful and treacherous people, cruel and arrogant towards those in their power, and abjectly mean towards those from whom they expect favour.” This is too subjective a statement for anybody. He has a very low opinion about the Khas people for unstated reasons. He described them as “abominable and impure infidels” as noted above.

Many of these errors could be attributed to the informants who assisted Hamilton with information and helped him make judgments. But more than that Hamilton had a skeptical attitude about the rulers of Nepal, and those who assisted them to rule the country. The ‘Gorkhalese’ were victorious people, and were considered expansionist as well. As a jealous British official it was natural that his misgivings about the rulers and their associates had some effect in his writings as well. 

A. Patricia Caplan, Priests and Cobblers: A Study of Social Change in a Hindu Village in Western Nepal [Aylesbury Bucks; International Textbook Company Limited, 1972] [Reprinted in Nepal by Mandala Publications, 2006] 

The book Priests and Cobblers is a study on the changing caste relations in Nepal. The system still exists here, especially in rural Hindu areas, dividing people into a hierarchy based upon heredity.

As a rule, the state of Nepal cannot discriminate against any citizen in the application of general laws on grounds of religion, race, gender, caste, tribe, origin, language or ideological conviction or any of these. Similarly, no person shall, on the ground of caste, descent, community or occupation, be subject to racial discrimination and ‘untouchability’ in any form. Such a discriminatory act is to be punished and the victim is entitled to compensation as provided by the law. The country continues to have legal provisions prohibiting caste discrimination for many decades.

However caste prejudice continues in Nepal in many places. In places where it continues, it not only dictates one’s occupation, but dietary habits and interaction with members of other castes as well. Members of a high caste enjoy more power, wealth and opportunities while members of a low caste perform menial jobs. The most discriminated in the lot are the poor and historically suppressed people considered ‘untouchables.’ There is tendency toward endogamy, meaning that people marry within the same caste exclusively. Upward mobility is very rare in the caste system. The system is full of discrimination. It is a scar on the face of humanity.

The focus of this book, however, is on the changing relations between members of the priestly caste (Bahuns) and group of so called ‘untouchables’ (cobblers) in a Hindu village in Western Nepal. Even though these cobblers continue to suffer under extreme forms of discrimination, exploitation, and violence, and their caste still imposes enormous obstacles to their full attainment of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, the book explains how the deprived ‘untouchables’ from a position of almost total economic dependence on the priestly caste, had become increasingly independent because of the new opportunities available in the expanding economy of the area. This also enabled them to oppose the Bahuns, who have been exploiting them, in the interest of their community.

The author of the book, A. Patricia Caplan is a senior professor of Anthropology at Goldsmiths, University of London. This was her first work published as a book in 1972 when she was a young researcher. It was republished in 2006 – again after 34 years. The field work on which this book is based was conducted from January to December 1969, as part of a project of research on aspects of social change in Nepal, sponsored by the Social Science Research Council of Great Britain. The study covered a period of several decades up to the time of field work at the end of the 1960s. Caplan has analysed the situation on the basis of available resources, opportunity for earning a living, recent changes in the village economy, the factional politics in the village, and the growth of caste conflict. 

In her own words, “this book focuses on a mixed-caste community in the far western hills, here called ‘Duari’, where the upper-castes had successfully consolidated themselves at the expense of the lower castes (untouchables, now called Dalits) not only in terms of land-holding but also educational opportunities, trade and government posts. Nevertheless, at the time of fieldwork, the lower castes had begun to achieve a modicum of economic independence because of new opportunities, and as a result, had dared for the first time to challenge the upper castes politically.”

In republishing this book, the author had two objectives in mind. One was that the original version, written for a commission to a US publisher which wanted to launch a student-friendly series on social change in different parts of the world, was never available in South Asia, and particularly in Nepal. A second reason was that this book was originally published in 1972 and since that time, more than three decades of history have changed the face of Nepal. This book, according to the author, ‘gives a snapshot of a particular moment in time which may go some way to explaining the roots of the radical changes now taking place.”

In her concluding paragraph, the author notes: “first I have examined economic development, to note, in particular, whether or not it leads to a reallocation of resources or a weakening of the tiers of dependence of the lower castes upon the higher. Second, given universal adult suffrage, the demographic composition of the village, and, indeed, of the region surrounding a village, is important. Where low castes are in very small numbers, they are unlikely to be in a position to defy the higher castes, nor is their support likely to be sought by aspiring leaders.

Third, the lower castes must receive some concrete support from external agencies. It is not enough merely to introduce new laws and a new constitution: these have to be enforced at the village level. Alternatively, the wider society has to provide other mechanisms which give members of lower castes some opportunity for mobility outside the village, such as government jobs, political parties, or reform movements.” There is little to disagree with the author.

When it was written in 1972, the book was certainly the first of its kind in Nepal. Now there are several such studies, in both Nepali and English. Nevertheless, the book is still an important work on ‘Duari’ village, and the author’s finding on changing social relations is still as valid as it was 40 years before.