कानुनका विद्यार्थीहरुका विश्वका प्रमुख कानुन प्रणालीको ज्ञान लागि एउटा आधारभूत आवश्यकता हो । नेपालका कानुन विषय अध्यापन हुने महाविद्यालयहरुमा विश्वका प्रमुख कानुन प्रणालीलाई अनिवार्य विषयका रुपमा पढाइन्छ । यति हुँदाहुँदै पनि यस विषयमा पर्याप्त पाठ्य सामाग्रीहरु उपलब्ध सकेका छैनन् ।

यो आवश्यकतालाई पूर्ति गर्ने उद्देश्यले हाल काठमाण्डौ विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ ल सँग सम्बद्ध वरिष्ठ कानुनविद् विशाल खनालले वि.सं. २०४८ तिरै यस विषयमा कलम चलाउनु भएको थियो । आज करिब २४ वर्षपछि वहाँले त्यही पुस्तकलाई आवश्यक सम्पादन, परिमार्जन तथा अद्यावधिक गरी यो संस्करण पाठकहरु माझ ल्याउँदै हुनुहुन्छ । पुस्तकलाई समसामयिक बनाउन नयाँ परिच्छेदहरु थपिएका छन् । परिमार्जित संस्करणका रुपमा नयाँ आकारमा आएको यस पुस्तकले कानुन विषयको पाठ्य सामाग्रीका रुपमा विभिन्न तहका विद्यार्थी तथा यसमा रुचि राख्ने सम्बद्ध सबैलाई दिइएको विषयमा आवश्यक सामाग्री उपलब्ध हुनेछ भन्ने मैले ठानेको छु ।

वस्तुतः विश्वका प्रत्येक मुलुकहरुका कानुन प्रणालीहरुले आफैंमा विशिष्ट स्थान राख्दछन् । यस्ता हरेक देशको आफ्नै ऐतिहासिक परिप्रेक्ष्य, आवश्यकता, अनुभव तथा सीमाहरु हुन्छन् । कानुन निर्माण गर्दा सबैले मुलुकको आवश्यकता सम्बोधन गर्ने प्रमुख लक्ष्य राखेका हुन्छन् । नागरिकहरुको जीवन पद्धति, भाषा, धर्म, संस्कार, अर्थव्यवस्था, छरछिमेक र सुरक्षा एवम् विकासका स्थानीय अवधारणाहरुले कानुनी परिपाटीको निर्माण तथा निरन्तरतालाई मलजल गरिरहेको हुन्छ । समुदायका रुपमा प्रत्येक मुलुकको आ–आफ्ना अनुभव एवम् प्राथमिकताहरु हुन्छन् । अर्काका लागि कानुन बनाउने वा परिपाटीको व्यवस्था गर्ने मूल लक्ष्यले धेरैजसोले यस सम्बन्धमा काम गरेका हुँदैनन् । स्वभावतः यी विविध कारणले एउटा देशको कानुनी प्रणाली अर्को देशको कानुनी प्रणालीसँग जस्ताको तस्तै मिल्दैन । कानुनी प्रणालीमा विविधता समानता भन्दा ठूलो पक्ष हो । त्यसैले विश्वका प्रमुख कानुन प्रणालीहरुको चयन गर्नु गाह्रो कार्य हो ।

देश–देश बीचको प्रणालीगत विविधता अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण हुँदाहुँदै पनि कानुन प्रणालीहरुको अध्ययन गर्दा विद्वानहरुले समानताका आधारमा समूह कायम गर्ने गरेको प्रचलन पाइन्छ । यसको कारण के हो भने सभ्यताको सुरुवातदेखि नै हरेक मुलुकहरुले एकअर्काबाट नयाँ कुरा सिकेका हुन्छन् । मूल्य–मान्यता तथा असल चालचलन फैलिँदै जाने र काम नलाग्ने तथा स्वीकार्यता कम भएका प्रचलनहरु पातलिँदै जाने प्रक्रिया सभ्यताको विकासको अवधारणामै पर्दछ । यस कुरालाई आत्मसात् गर्दै कानुनमा ‘फामिल जुरिडिका’ वा कानुनी परिवारको अवधारणाको विकास भएको पाइन्छ । विविधता जतिसुकै भए पनि केही प्रकारका कानुन, तिनको नमुना, मूलभुत मान्यता, विशेष चरित्र र प्रतिनिधित्व गर्न सक्ने क्षमताका आधारमा संसारभरिका कानुन प्रणालीलाई विभिन्न परिवारमा विभक्त गरी अध्ययन गर्ने प्रचलन छ । यो चलन आज मात्रै चलेको होइन । यसको लामो पृष्ठभूमि छ ।

पश्चिमी राजनीति शास्त्रका आदि दार्शनिक अरिस्टोटल (३८४–३२२बीसी) ले कस्तो किसिमको राजनीतिक समुदाय सबैभन्दा असल हुन्छ भन्ने विषयमा अध्ययन गरेका थिए । तात्कालीन ग्रीस तथा छेउछाउका १५३ वटा संविधानहरुको अध्ययनका आधारमा उनले आफ्नो नामुद ग्रन्थ पोलिटिक्स लेखेको सर्वविदितै छ । एथेन्सका राजनेता तथा कानुन निर्माता सोलोन (६४०–५५८बीसी) ले आफ्नो मुलुकको कानुन निर्माण गर्दा अन्यत्रको प्रचलन तथा नमुनाहरुलाई पनि हेर्ने गरेको थिए । त्यसैगरी ४५१–४५०बीसी ताका प्राचीन रोमनहरुको कानुन निर्माण गर्ने निकायले रोमका लागि संहिताबद्ध कानुन बाह्र टेबल निर्माण गर्दा तात्कालीन नगर राज्यहरुको कानुनका बारेमा सोधीखोजी गरेको इतिहासमा उल्लेख छ ।

त्यसपछिको युरोपेली मध्ययुगमा पनि क्याथोलिक चर्चमुखी क्यानन ल र लामो इतिहास भएको रोमन ल का बारेमा तुलना गरी उल्लेख गर्ने चलन थियो । सोह्रौं शताब्दितिर यी दुवै विषयको बौद्धिक पक्षहरुका सम्बन्धमा धेरै वादविवाद भएको पढ्न सकिन्छ । युुरोपेली महाद्विपका परम्परागत कानुनहरु बीच तुलनात्मक अध्ययनकै आधारमा फ्रान्स र जर्मनीमा साझा प्रथागत निजी कानुनहरु कायम गरिएका हुन् भन्ने मानिन्छ । सत्रौं शताब्दिमा पनि विश्लेषक मण्टेस्क्यू (१६८९–१७५५) ले तुलनात्मक अध्ययनबाटै द स्पिरिट अफ लज् भन्ने प्रसिद्ध पुस्तक लेखेका थिए । कानुनी प्रणालीहरु बीचको विविधताले साझा धारणाहरुको विकासलाई कहिल्यै रोकेन भन्ने कुराका उपरोक्त तथ्यहरु उदाहरण हुन् ।

यस पुस्तकमा लेखकले सामान्यतया प्रमुख कानुन प्रणालीहरुका रुपमा उल्लेख गरिने प्रणालीहरुलाई सरल रुपमा एकै ठाउँमा प्रस्तुत गर्नुभएको छ । सबैतिर चलेको चलन अनुसार वहाँले रोमन कानुन प्रणालीबाट आफ्नो विवेचना प्रस्तुत गर्नुभएको छ । त्यसपछि नागरिक वा महादेशीय कानुन प्रणालीहरुको वर्णन गरिएको छ । नेपाली पाठकहरुका लागि यसमा धेरै नौला कुराहरु छन् । यस लगत्तै कमन ल प्रणालीलाई वहाँले सविस्तार उल्लेख गर्नु भएको छ । यसमा भएका मसिना कुराहरुले नेपाली पाठकहरुलाई आफ्नो कानुनी प्रणाली बुझ्नलाई धेरै मद्दत गर्ने छ । पुस्तकमा समाजवादी कानुन प्रणाली, कानुनको धार्मिक सम्प्रदाय, हिन्दु तथा मुस्लिम कानुन प्रणाली, अमेरिकी कानुन प्रणाली तथा फ्रेञ्च, जर्मन, जापानी तथा जनवादी गणतन्त्र चीनको कानुन प्रणालीलाई अन्य मुलका कानुन प्रणालीका रुपमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ ।

लेखक स्वयम्ले विषयको प्रकृतिबाटै उपरोक्त विश्लेषणहरुमा प्रचलित परम्परालाई अनुकरण गरिएको स्पष्ट गर्नुभएको छ । यसमा लेखकको मौलिकता भनेको लेखन प्रविधि, क्रमबद्धता, प्रस्तुतिकरण एवम् समीक्षाको दृष्टिले खोजिनु पर्दछ । नेपाली पाठकहरुको आवश्यकतालाई बुझेर विभिन्न विषयलाई आवश्यकता अनुसारको महत्व दिनु भएको बुझ्न सकिन्छ । दुई भागमा विभक्त यो पुस्तक लेखकको लेखकीय उद्देश्य पूरा गर्न सफल भएको मान्नु पर्दछ ।

नेपालको वर्तमान कानुन प्रणाली यी प्रमुख प्रणालीहरु मध्ये कुन कोटीमा पर्दछ भन्ने विषय अध्ययनका लागि धेरै महत्वपूर्ण विषय हो । ऐतिहासिक रुपमा नेपालको कानुन प्रणालीको विकास विशिष्ट परिप्रेक्ष्यमा भएको देखिन्छ । नेपाल वि.सं. २००७ सालसम्म लगभग बाह्य संसारका लागि बन्द मुलुकका रुपमा रहेको थियो । विभिन्न जातजाति, धर्म र संस्कारका समुदायहरुले आफ्ना सामाजिक, आर्थिक, राजनीतिक, कानुनी तथा धार्मिक परिपाटी स्वतन्त्र रुपमै निर्वाह गरेको नेपालको लामो इतिहास छ । शासकहरुको धार्मिक मान्यताहरुले मुलुकभरिको मूल शासकीय क्षेत्रहरुमा धेरै महत्व राख्दथे । राज्य सम्पूर्ण मुलुकमा विस्तारित थियो भन्ने मान्यता राखिनु हुँदैन । जुन–जुन विषयमा राज्यको विशेष रुचि थिएन, समुदायहरु आ–आफ्नो मान्यता बमोजिम चल्दछ । यस दृष्टिले सम्पूर्ण नेपालको कानुनी इतिहासको राम्रो विश्लेषण आउन सकेको छैन । कतिसम्म अन्दाज गर्न सकिन्छ भने उत्तरतर्फ भोट (चीन) र दक्षिणतर्फको मुगलान वा हिन्दुस्थानसँगको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय व्यापार र विशेषगरी वि.सं. १९०३ मा शक्तिमा स्थापित भएका प्रधानमन्त्री जंगबहादुर राणाको फ्रान्स तथा बेलायत भ्रमण पछि नेपालले पनि आफ्नो कानुनी प्रणालीलाई बाहिरका विकासको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा हेर्ने मौका पाएको थियो । तर यसभन्दा बढीको विश्लेषणका लागि राम्रो अध्ययनको आवश्यकता छ ।

नेपाल सम्बन्धी उपरोक्त ऐतिहासिक विवेचना हुँदै गर्ला । तथापि आज स्थापित भइसकेको नेपालको वर्तमान कानुन प्रणाली आधारभूत रुपमा कमन ल प्रणालीसँग टाँसिन पुगिसकेको भन्दा अब अत्युक्ति हँुदैन । सैद्धान्तिक रुपमा नेपाल संवैधानिक सर्वोच्चता भएको मुलुक हो । यसका ऐन, कानुन तथा नियमहरु स्वतन्त्र अड्डा अदालतबाट संरक्षित छन् । विशेषगरी ठूला अदालतले न्यायनिरुपणका लागि गरेका फैसलाहरु तथा तिनले कायम गरेका सैद्धान्तिक मान्यताहरु नजीरका रुपमा स्थापित हुन्छन् । यस्तो नजीरलाई सबै पक्षले कार्यान्वयन गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । नजीर कायम गर्दा उल्लेख गरिएका रायले कानुनकर्मीहरुको सोचाईलाई अत्याधिक प्रभावित गरेको हुन्छ । ऐनकानुन तथा नजीरको आधिकारिकतालाई वैधानिकताका प्रश्न उठेका अवस्थामा बाहेक सामान्यतया स्वीकार गरिन्छ । अड्डाअदालतले आफ्नो कामकारबाही सम्पन्न गर्दा निष्पक्षता तथा समन्यायका सिद्धान्तलाई स्थापति गर्दै हिँड्नु पर्दछ । कानुनको अड्को–फड्कोलाई न्यायको दृष्टिले निराकरण गरिन्छ ।

कानुन प्रणालीमा न्यायाधीशको निष्पक्ष भूमिका, प्रतिद्वन्द्वात्मक न्याय प्रणालीका प्रविधिहरु, वकिल वा कानुन व्यवसायीहरुको सहभागिता तथा वैध कानुनहरुको प्रयोग स्थापित मान्यता हो । न्यायाधीशले नेपालको वर्तमान न्यायिक परम्परामा सामान्यतया न त राज्य पक्षको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्दछन्, न अनुसन्धान वा तहकिकातको नेतृत्व लिन्छन् । यसका साथसाथै नेपालमा कानुनी यथार्थवाद (लिगल रियलिज्म्) लाई परम्परागत रुपमा मान्दै आइएको छ । अड्डाअदालतले संविधान तथा कानुनको व्याख्या गर्न पाउँदछन् । फैसलाहरुमा निर्णयका आधारहरु तथा तार्किक निष्कर्ष उल्लेख गरिन्छन् । न्यायकर्ताले तजबीजी अधिकार एवम् विवेक प्रयोग गर्न पाउने परम्परा बसिसकेको छ । कानुन र तथ्यलाई पूर्पक्षका बेलामा परीक्षण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । सामान्यतया न्यायिक निर्णय एक तह माथिबाट पुनरावलोकन गर्न सकिने प्रावधानलाई मुलुकव्यापी रुपमा प्रयोग गरिएको हुन्छ । मागदाबी कुरा गर्दा प्रमाणको भार बहन गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । जितहारमा यो पक्षको ठूलो भूमिका हुन्छ । यी सबै परम्पराहरु जुन आज नेपालको कानुनी प्रणालीका आधारभूत विशेषता भइसकेका छन्, ती सबै प्रमुख रुपमा कमन ल प्रणालीका मूलभुत विशेषता हुन् । नेपालमा जुरी पूर्पक्षको व्यवस्था छैन । तथापि अन्य प्रणालीगत विशेषताहरु कमन ल प्रणालीबाटै लिइएको देखिन्छ । यी सबै ससर्ती हेर्दा बुझिने कुराहरु हुन् । तर यो विषय पनि प्राज्ञिक अध्ययनको विषय बन्नु पर्दछ । कानुनविद् विशाल खनालद्वारा लिखित प्रस्तुत पुस्तकले त्यसतर्फ पनि विद्यार्थीहरुलाई अग्रसर गराउने छ भन्ने मेरो विश्वास छ ।

नेपाली भाषामा कानुनका पुस्तकहरु धेरै कम छापिएको नेपालमा म यस पुस्तकले एउटा ठूलो खाँचो पूरा गर्ने अपेक्षा गर्दछु । यो सरल र बोधगम्य पनि छ । यसबाट सबै पक्ष लाभान्वित हुने छन् ।
धन्यवाद ।

डा विपिन अधिकारी
डीन
काठमाण्डौ विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ ल
धुलिखेल ।

हाम्रा साथी तथा सहकर्मी कानुनविद् विशाल खनालद्वारा लिखित नेपालको न्यायप्रशासनः एक ऐतिहासिक सिंहावलोकन नामक पुस्तकको नयाँ संस्करण प्रकाशित हुन लागेकोमा खुशी लागेको छ । लेखक काठमाण्डौ विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ ल मा शिक्षण गर्नुहुन्छ । यस विश्वविद्यालयमा संलग्न हुनु अघि श्री खनाल नेपालको न्यायसेवा, राष्ट्रिय मानव अधिकार आयोग तथा संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ लगायतका सार्वजनिक संस्थाहरुसँग सम्बन्धित हुनुहुन्थ्यो । जहाँ र जुनसुकै रुपमा संलग्न रहे पनि मूलतः वहाँ कानुन तथा मानव अधिकारको क्षेत्रमा स्थापित व्यक्ति हुनु हुन्छ ।

संवैधानिक कानुन, मानव अधिकार तथा न्याय प्रशासनको क्षेत्रमा कानुनविद् खनालले धेरै पहिलेदेखि कलम चलाउँदै आउनुभएको हो । यो पुस्तक पनि वहाँले २०४३ सालमै प्रकाशित गर्नुभएको हो । नेपालमा कानुनी इतिहासको प्रारम्भिक अवस्थाबाट विवेचना सुरु गर्दै यो पुस्तकले नेपालको किरात काल, लिच्छवी काल, मल्ल काल हुँदै शाहकालीन न्यायव्यवस्थासम्मका मूलभुत पक्षहरुलाई यसमा समेटेको देखिन्छ । विशेषगरी शाहकालीन न्याय व्यवस्थाको विवेचनामा नेपालको कानुनी इतिहासले बुझिन सकिने गरी विशेष स्वरुप धारण गर्दै गएको देख्न सकिन्छ । नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिकरणको प्रयास २००७ सालदेखि सुरु भएयताको संसदीय विकासकाल र त्यसको उत्तराद्र्धलाई वहाँले गहिरो विश्लेषण गर्नुभएको छ । वि.सं. २०१५ देखि २०३० को अवधि र नेपालमा विकसित हुँदै आएको दौडाहा अदालत, विशेष अदालत तथा सरकारी मुद्दाको प्रतिरक्षा र सरकारी वकिल सम्बन्धी व्यवस्थाहरुको पनि यस पुस्तकमा विश्लेषण गरिएको देखिन्छ । पुस्तकको तेस्रो तथा वर्तमान संस्करणले लेखकलाई पहिले लेखिएका ऐतिहासिक पक्षहरुलाई अझ विवेचना गर्ने र आवश्यकता अनुसार पुनर्लेखन गर्ने अवसर दिएको देखिन्छ । पुनर्लेखनको आवश्यकता बमोजिम पुराना प्रस्तुतिहरुलाई यो नयाँ अवधिमा भएका ऐतिहासिक विकासहरुको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा पुनर्संरचना पनि गरिएको छ । आवश्यकता बमोजिम विदेशी सन्दर्भ सामग्रीसँग पनि जोडिएका छन् । समग्रमा तेस्रो संस्करणले पुस्तकलाई अझ विश्लेषणात्मक र उपयोगी बनाएको छ ।

नेपालमा कानुनी इतिहासको सन्दर्भमा धेरैले कलम चलाएको देखिँदैन । जेजति लेखिएका छन्, नेपालको समग्र इतिहासको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा लेखिन गएका कानुनी परिप्रेक्ष्य मात्र छन् । कानुनविद्ले कानुनी इतिहास लेखेको प्रायः देखिँदैन । अलग विषयको रुपमा नेपालको कानुनी इतिहासमा प्रशस्त काम हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ । इतिहास कानुनी शिक्षाको विशेष पाटो हो । कानुनी शिक्षाले छात्रछात्राहरुलाई केवल कानुनको सारभुत र विश्लेषणात्मक दक्षता प्रदान गर्दैन, यसले उनीहरुलाई कानुनको प्रकृतिका बारेमा पनि गहिरो ज्ञान प्रदान गर्नु पर्दछ । यसका लागि कानुनी इतिहासको ठूलो महत्व हुन्छ । तर कानुनी इतिहासलाई आवश्यकता भन्दा बढी ऐतिहासिक परिप्रेक्ष्यको समग्र परिस्थितिबाट छुट्याएर अध्ययन गर्न सकिँदैन । हरेक देशको विकासको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा सामाजिक, आर्थिक, राजनीतिक र अन्य पक्षहरु सँगसँगै कानुनका मूल्यमान्यताहरु पनि विकसित हुने हो । यी परिप्रेक्ष्यहरुले नै कानुनको विकासलाई सम्भावना तथा सीमाहरुबाट बाँधिदिएको हुन्छ ।

अतः ऐतिहासिक विकासका घटनाहरुको सिलसिलेवार प्रस्तुति जति जरुरी हुन्छ, त्यति नै ऐतिहासिक अभिलेखहरुको विश्लेषण पनि आवश्यक हुन्छ । कानुनी इतिहासको कुरा गर्दा समग्र परिप्रेक्ष्यमा मुलुकी ऐन–कानुनका अवधारणाहरु, बनाइएका कानुन वा स्थापित कानुनी प्रचलनहरु, मूल्यमान्यताको विकासको मूलप्रवाह, कानुनको वैचारिक भूमिका, वैधानिक शक्ति र यस्तो भूमिका बीचको सम्बन्ध, न्याय प्रदान गर्ने अड्डाअदालत वा निकायहरु, सम्बन्धित संघसंस्था, न्यायकर्ताले स्थापित गरेका सिद्धान्त तथा मान्यताहरुको बारेमा पनि उल्लेख गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । तात्कालीन समाजले कानुनका बारेमा कस्तो अवधारणा राख्दथ्यो भन्ने कुरा पनि कानुनी इतिहासमा उल्लेख गर्न सकिन्छ । कानुनका सबै विधाहरुका बारेमा ऐतिहासिक दृष्टिकोण कायम गर्ने प्रयास पनि भएकै हुन्छन् । त्यसैले विधिशास्त्रमा कानुनलाई ऐतिहासिक रुपमा अध्ययन गर्ने चलन भएको हो । कानुनी इतिहास कतिपय अवस्थामा अन्य विषयहरुमा निर्भर गर्दछ भने कतिपय अवस्थामा यो स्वतन्त्र रुपमा पनि विकसित भएको हुन सक्छ । एकै समयमा विभिन्न थरिका र कहिलेकाहीँ विरोधाभाषपूर्ण विविधता पनि हुन सक्दछन् । त्यसका बारेमा पनि कानुनी इतिहासले स्पष्ट दृष्टिकोण कायम गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।

वास्तवमा कानुन भनेको अमूर्त वा अऐतिहासिक वा विश्वव्यापी सिद्धान्तहरुमात्र हुन्छ भन्ने हुँदैन । यो शून्यमा रहँदैन । यसले समाजभित्र आफ्नो अस्तित्व र भूमिका निर्वाह गरेको हुन्छ । सामाजिक परिप्रेक्ष्यमै सिद्धान्तहरु कायम भएका हुन्छन् । ती समाजसँगै सम्बन्धित हुन्छन् । त्यसै समाजमा तिनलाई लागु गरिन्छन् । तर विकासको क्रममा कतिपय कुरा आन्तरिक रुपमै विकसित हुँदै जान्छन् भने कतिपय बाह्य प्रभावका कारण अस्तित्वमा आउँदछन् । सम्पूर्ण रुपमा स्थानीय (इण्डिजेनस) वा सम्पूर्ण रुपमा बाह्य प्रभावमा कानुनको विकास सम्भव नहोला । यी दुवै बीच आआफ्नो परिस्थितिको गतिशिलताको आधारमा कमवेसी लेनदेन भइरहेकै हुन्छ । त्यसैले कानुनको इतिहास भनेको इतिहासका विविध पक्षहरुसँगको निरन्तर संलग्नता मै विकसित इतिहास हुन्छ । सभ्यताको विकास सँगसँगै कानुनको इतिहास पनि विकसित भइरहेको हुन्छ । त्यसैले कानुनी इतिहासको अनुसन्धान गर्ने कार्य सजिलो छैन ।
कानुनी इतिहासको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय परिप्रेक्ष्य पनि छ । जस्तो प्राचीन इजिप्सेली कानुनको अवधारणा इसापूर्व ३००० वर्ष अघिको अवधारणा मानिन्छ । यसैगरी प्राचीन चीन र भारतको पनि महत्वपूर्ण कानुनी इतिहास छ । पूर्वी एसियाले यस सम्बन्धमा आफ्नो अलग स्थान बनाएको छ । इस्लामिक कानुन प्रणालीमा आधारित इतिहास पनि त्यत्तिकै बलियो छ । प्रचलनमा रहेको युरोपियन कानुनी इतिहासमा रोमन साम्राज्य मध्ययुग तथा बेलायती वा अमेरिकी प्रयोगको आफ्नै प्रष्ट प्रभाव देखिन्छ । यो प्रक्रियामा ऐतिहासिक रुपमा नेपाल संलग्न हुने अवस्था कहिल्यै आएन । तर एकीकृत वा पुनः एकीकृत नेपालको इतिहास सँगसँगै नेपालको कानुनी इतिहासले गतिशिलता बोकेको देखिन्छ । लेखकले यो गतिशिलताको विभिन्न पक्षलाई उचित रुपमा सम्बोधन गर्नु भएको देखिन्छ ।

नेपालका कानुनका विद्यार्थीहरुका लागि यो पुस्तक सँधैझैं उपयोगी रहने मेरो विश्वास छ । यसले समग्र कानुनी इतिहास नभई न्याय प्रशासनका पक्षलाई मूल रुपमा विश्लेषण गरेको छ । लेखकले यसलाई तेस्रो संस्करणसम्म पु¥याएर यस विषयमा आफ्नो निरन्तर प्रतिबद्धता व्यक्त गर्नुभएको छ । यो पुस्तक पहिलेभन्दा अझ बाक्लो र खँदिलो भएको छ । यसलाई आवश्यकता अनुसार अझ तुलनात्मक एवम् विश्लेषणात्मक बनाउँदै लैजाने वहाँको सोचाई पनि छ । यसले नयाँ सम्भावनाहरु पनिल खोल्दै जाने छ । आज जे जति आएको छ, त्यसले कानुनका विद्यार्थी तथा शिक्षकहरुको ठूलो आवश्यकता पूरा गरेको छ । हामी यस पुस्तकलाई हाम्रा विद्यार्थीहरुलाई पढ्न प्रेरित गर्दा खुसी मान्ने छौं ।

नेपालको न्यायप्रशासनको ऐतिहासिक पक्षबाट अध्ययन गर्न चाहने सबैका लागि यो पुस्तक उपयोगी हुनेछ भन्ने ठानेको छु । पुस्तकको सफलताको लागि शुभकामना व्यक्त गर्दछु ।

डा. विपिन अधिकारी
डीन
काठमाण्डौ विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ ल (केयुएसएल)
मंसीर २०, २०७२

[This is a part of the work entitled A Financial Future for Nepal: Creating an International Financial Services Center developed by Collins and Associates, 63-8 Commercial Wharf, Boston, Massachusetts 02110, USA. The experts working on the document were Joseph H. Collins, Donald S. Hutchinson, Walter D. Weksetein, 1996].

Introduction
In 1995, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal announced plan to create an International Financial Services Center in Nepal. The Government believes that the creation of such a Center will bring new resources and expertise to Nepal, thereby accelerating growth of the entire Nepalese economy. Such a Center will help fill the gap between domestic savings and the investment Nepal needs to promote economic growth. By improving Nepal’s financial infrastructure, attracting outside capital and upgrading the skills of the Nepalese people, it will lay the foundation that all modern economies require. By combining government support with the energy and resources of the private sector, it follows the strategy for growth adopted by successful East Asia governments.

The first step in this project is the passage of the International Financial Center Act of 1996. This legislation establishes the principles for future legislation and creates the administrative framework to develop and submit specific legislation to Parliament. Of equal importance, it makes a clear statement to the world’s financial markets that Nepal is committed to attracting foreign financial institutions.

As architects of this concept for Nepal, Collins & Associates have been responding to numerous questions regarding this development strategy and its potential effects on Nepal. This document is an attempt to respond to the most commonly asked questions and to clarify major components of this project.

Because we never stop learning or trying to improve, we welcome any comments which will assist us in our efforts to bring accelerated economic growth and greater social justice to Nepal.

Joseph H. Collins
President, Collins & Associates

1. What is an International Financial Services Center?
It is a city or country which encourages international financial institutions to physically locate within its borders, and permits them to use it as a base from which they offer financial services such as banking insurance, mutual funds, and investment banking to individual companies and foreign governments throughout the world.

Typically, international financial services companies conduct business only outside of the host country. Their local activities include hiring employees and the use of local services. The extent to which they may offer services or invest in the local economy is tightly controlled by the host government.

Financial services companies choose to locate in convenient locations that offer good air access, modern telecommunications and have a friendly, pro-business government. In the case of Nepal, all previous governments and their political parties have already made the policy commitment to attract foreign investment. This will further be confirmed by the passage of the Financial Center Act, permitting Nepal to develop tax regulations and other legislation designed to attract such businesses.

Historically, Nepal has been “land-locked” and at an economic disadvantage for manufacturing and trading activities. Today, the communications satellite is the seaport that Nepal never had, turning its isolation into an equal access opportunity throughout the world. As an International Financial Services Center, its geographical position and time-zone location will become important economic assets. These competitive advantages and others are further discussed in the Answer to Question 8.

The rapidly expanding economies of nations that surround Nepal have a growing need for investment capital and financial services. A modern International Financial Services Center based in Nepal can help meet these needs. This creates a unique opportunity for Nepal to both prepare for and prosper in the twenty-first century.

Other nations, such as Cambodia, Vietnam, Mauritius and the city of Shanghai, have seen this opportunity and are attempting to become international financial centers. Fortunately, Nepal has advantages none of these potential competitors can match.

2. What will be the Economic Impact on Nepal?
Countries with successful international financial service were studied to determine the impact of those centers on their economies. The economies of Switzerland, Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong are complex, with manufacturing, mining and other factors obscuring the impact of financial services. Bermuda, the Bahamas and the Cayman Islands are successful financial centers with simpler economies of a size similar to Nepal.[1] While these countries have smaller populations and smaller agricultural sectors, they share with Nepal the factors of: an important tourist industry, little manufacturing, and few natural resources.

It is clear from the below that international financial services make a major contribution to the economies of these countries. This contribution is made not only by the direct impact of the international companies but also comes from their demands for services and employment which cascade through the economy, creating a strong multiplier effect.[2]

In the case of Bermuda, international financial companies create an astonishing contribution of US $ 792 million twice in current contribution of tourism, Hotels and restaurants to the economy of Nepal.[3]

The government revenue from fees and licenses of international companies is deliberately kept small (in order to attract business), but is dwarfed by the increase in tax revenue resulting from the economic activity created by these companies within the host country. This revenue comes from taxes on the wages of employees of the international companies and on those of employees of companies providing services. Revenues are also received from income taxes and sales taxes on the overall increase in the economy.

In the case of Bermuda, that government receives US $ 31 million in revenue from fees and licenses versus US $ 150 million received from taxation on the related economic activity a multiplier of almost five.

Bahamas Bermuda Cayman

Gross Domestic Product

$ 3,300

$ 1,554

$907

Contribution to GDP from International Finance as a percentage of GDP

500

15%

792

51%

163

18%

Government Revenues

Frees & Licenses Economic activity

8

N\A

31

150

25

N\A

All numbers are based on 1994 in millions of US dollars
(Sources: Central Bank of the Bahamas, Ministry of Finance Bermuda, Economic and Statistics office, Cayman Islands.)

Newly established Mauritius is not included in the above table, because statistics were not available on the contribution made to GDP. However, Mauritius does show a rapid rate of growth. Its financial center began operations in 1992 with government revenues from fees and licenses of US $ 205,000, and grew rapidly to a projected US $ 5 million in 1995.

Clearly, a successful financial services industry will have a very significant impact on the economy of Nepal. As a result, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal will receive progressive increase in revenues, allowing further investment on social services such as education, clean water and health, thereby sharing the benefits with all sectors of Nepalese society

3. Will this Center Create Jobs in Nepal?
Creation of adequate human capital is basic to economic development. An International Financial Services Center in Nepal will create employment opportunities at all skill levels. (See Answers to Questions 4 and 5.)

International financial services companies will be required to hire and train Nepalese employees as a condition of their entry into Nepal. This requirement will be monitored and enforced by the Accreditation Committee.

The number of people employed directly by international financial services companies is shown below. These are the same countries selected for comparison in the Answer to Question 2.

Bahamas Bermuda Cayman

EMPLOYMENT

Direct Employees

771

2,214

1,800

Related business services

2,837

5,671

4,611

Total financial-related services

3,608

7,885

6,411

All numbers are based on 1994 figures.
(Sources: Central Bank of the Bahamas, Ministry of Finance Bermuda, Economic and Statistics office, Cayman Islands.)

According to the 1991 Census, less than 2% of the Nepalese workforce is classified as “professional and technical.” However the number of Nepalese university graduates has more than doubled between 1985 and 1995, leading to under-employment and lack of opportunities in this group, contributing to the “brain drain” and a loss of talent to Nepal.

Many of the jobs to be created in the International Financial Services Center will be “skilled.” As more skilled job opportunities become available in Nepal, this will reduce the “brain drain” and encourage Nepalese who are working abroad to return home to live and work. This will make use of Nepal’s investment in university-level education and increase wage levels. For example, the average wage of Bahamians employed by financial service companies in 1994 was US $ 34,373.

The new jobs will not be limited to skilled professional and clerical workers. The Answer to Question 2 shows that the effects of a financial services center ripple through the economy, creating a multiplier several times that of the initial impact. This creates new jobs in all sectors in construction, transportation, food, lodging, clothing and services. These jobs are over and above the financial services jobs shown in the table above.

In addition, increased access to capital and increased employment will also expand the economy, further increasing employment.

4. Are There Other Benefits for Nepal?

The rapidly growing East Asian nations serve as a clear as a clear lesson in how economics transform themselves from underdeveloped to rapidly developing economies. Despite their many differences, these high growth economies all displayed several fundamental similarities. First, their governments developed an international orientation and imported the resources they lacked internally. Second, they created a strong financial and legal infrastructure to support international activities. Third, they made use of the improved infrastructure to develop and expand their entire economy. That infrastructure in many ways is even more important to the development of a modern economy that the conventional “hard infrastructure” of roads and bridges.

In this way the Asian “tigers” developed and accumulated a solid base of both human and physical capital and an infrastructure for growth.

Human capital and skill in Nepal will be increased by:

Introduction of world class financial, legal and regulatory skills to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.
Mandated hiring and training of Nepalese citizens by the international companies, creating a pool of skilled talent at all levels.
Upgrading accounting, legal and other professional standards needed by a modern economy.
Demand for professional services, resulting in the transfer of expertise to local business professionals and growth of their businesses.
The energy and power of these skills and ideas will spread throughout Nepal, raising competency, greatly increasing the pool of human capital and knowledge, upgrading the infrastructure, encouraging formation of new businesses and benefiting the entire economy.

Physical capital in Nepal will be increases by:

Increased availability of capital to Nepalese banks from foreign financial institutions.
Increased foreign investment as international bankers and investors become confident that Nepalese companies have professional business skills and standards.
Increased investment for telecommunications, increasing the services available to the Nepalese public and to business.
Increased investment on office buildings and housing.
Increased investment in tourist facilities to meet growing demand from business travelers and their families.
This creation of both human and physical capital will have a positive, compounding effect on all economic activity throughout Nepal. Economic research proves that the standard of living and the ability to provide social justice in a society is enhanced by the creation of human capital and knowledge.[4]

In addition, at the national level, Nepal will secure a more independent role in the international community, being seen in a new light and gaining prestige as a source of investment funds and financial skills for its neighbors.

5. Why should Nepal act now?

Is now the right time?
Heavy demands for capital, caused by rapid growth in Asia, coupled with the uncertain future for Hong Kong, creates a need for a new financial center in the area. The recent success of Mauritius and interest expressed by Cambodia, Vietnam and others confirm both the opportunity and the need. It would be a lost opportunity to let another country become that center.

In further study necessary?
The concept has been raised several times within His Majesty’s Government of Nepal during the last five years, but this is the first time that it has been broadly discussed, reported in the press, and formally proposed for enactment.

Extensive research has been done understand the impact such a center would have on the Nepalese economy. The results of this study are briefly summarized in the Answers to Questions 2, 3 and 4 above. The most detailed study made on the effects of an International Financial Services Center on a host country was undertaken by the government of Bermuda in 1995.[5] This study was presented to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal as further evidence of the dramatic positive influence such a center contributes to the host economy.

Are controls in place?
Research confirms the need for effective control and regulation of the foreign companies. After passage of the Financial Center Act, specific regulations are planned to govern and control the foreign companies and to upgrade the financial infrastructure of Nepal. Further studies and evaluation will be an ongoing process as the Center evolves. His Majesty’s Government of Nepal and Parliament will review each step in the process.

These controls will be development by international experts hired to represent the interests of Nepal, drawing on the experience of successful financial centers. This resulting legislation will be tailored to address the specific financial service sectors as they come to Nepal. Additional details are provided in the Answer to Question 9.

What about current labor skills in Nepal?
Initially, international companies will bring their own skills and expertise to Nepal. However, they will be required by the Financial Center Act to hire and train Nepalese citizens as a condition of their rights to operate in Nepal.

The entry of foreign companies into Nepal will begin a cycle of upgrading local skills, not only for employees within the international companies but throughout the Nepalese economy. This in turn will increase and upgrade the demand for a wide variety of local business services, international communications and computer-related skills.

The sooner this process begins, the sooner Nepal will enjoy the benefits.

6. What Results can be Expected and When?
The economic effects will be felt in stages short, medium, and long term. Although the Financial Center Act creates the initial framework further laws will need to be enacted and implemented for each segment of the financial services industry. The benefits will be seen and will compound as more and more financial institutions come to Nepal.

The process begins with the entry of the first financial services company.

Short-term (one to three years)

Training of skilled manpower, increased utilization of professional services upgrade of accounting and legal standards.
Increased demand for commercial and residential real estate, creating new constitution jobs.
Increased access of Nepalese banks to capital markets.
International recognition Of Nepal’s new future.

Medium term) three to six years)

Short term trends above continue and strengthen.
Skilled manpower starts to permeate throughout the Nepalese economy, encouraging growth of new businesses.
Increases job opportunities for Nepalese citizens at all levels.
Additional international financial industries are attracted to Nepal by the success of the early companies and improved manpower skills.
Significant increase in tourism.
Increased investment in Nepalese companies by Nepalese banks through their improved access to international capital markets.
Increase in investment for tourist facilities.
Revenues from fees, licenses, and payroll and other taxes to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal become significant.
Modernization and expansion of the telecommunications industry.

Long term (six years and beyond)

Strong growth in the Nepalese economy further attracts external investment in Nepal, fueling more growth.
Improved balance of payments and a stronger Nepalese rupee.
Decline in His Majesty’s Government of Nepal’s dependence on foreign aid and debt.
Strong growth in the economy and in employment increases the tax base and tax revenues, permitting increased investment in social services such as education, health drinking water, etc.


7. Will Existing Plans for Development be Affected?

Unlike most large development projects, which require substantial capital investment before benefits are obtained, the creation of an International Financial Services Center will not require significant financial investment from His Majesty’s Government of Nepal. As a result, there will be no diversion of government funds from current of future economic development or social programs in Nepal. In addition, there are no adverse effects or demands on natural resources or the environment.

Existing plans for development will be unaffected. Rather, the economic expansion brought about by the International Financial Services Center with resultant increases in government revenue, and access to new sources of capital will actually increase the funds available for development plans.

8. Why will Financial Services Companies Come to Nepal?
There are numerous why financial services companies will come to Nepal. These reasons include:

Flexibility
While eager to invest in Asia, international companies are hampered by restrictions placed on international transactions by their own governments and by the maze of international law that affects them. Most countries impose banking and monetary regulations on the international activities of their “home” corporations restricting or raisins the costs of international transactions. In addition, when corporations do business across national boundaries, they encounter differing laws and national policies which further their ability to invest outside their own countries.

In many cases, in order to achieve flexibility, financial services companies, while conducting business and investing in one country, will often locate in a different country, such as Nepal.

Nepal will create a new legal environment, separate from its domestic laws, which will offer international companies the flexibility they require. In return, Nepal will receive the powerful economic brought by these companies to a host country.

Political Stability
Companies seek to base their financial activities in a politically stable and neutral country that offers the least restrictive legal and regulatory environment from which they may conduct their worldwide financial activities.

Changers of government in Nepal will not discourage foreign companies if they believe that the commitment to democracy and the rule of law is irreversible and has broad support.

Integrity and Corruption
Nothing is more important to international financial institutions in their selection of a country for investment than confidence and trust in the integrity of the officials of that country. In addition, the reputation and integrity of Nepal and its citizens must be protected.

His Majesty’s Government of Nepal recognizes that corruption subverts economic and social development. Any corruption undermines respect for institutions, damages the fabric of society and subverts attempts to improve the economy of the country.

For these reasons a separate section of the Financial Center Act is dedicated to the prevention of abuse, and strong provisions, including criminal penalties, are included to discourage corruption.

Confidentiality
In accordance with accepted international banking custom, the Financial Center Act provides assurances that confidentiality of financial transactions will be protected. Confidentiality is the accepted practice for all financial centers, with Switzerland being the best known example. Confidentiality is also a means of limiting government interference and regulation. However, as is the case with Switzerland, these provisions do not provide sanctuary for the sale of narcotics or the laundering of illegal funds.

Competition from Other Financial Centers
Nepal will face significant competition in attracting international financial companies. The economic advantages of having such a center are well recognized and Nepal must compete effectively with other countries. Two of the newest competitors, Mauritius and Labuan Island, began operations within the past five years; others, such as Vietnam and Cambodia, are considering the process.

In an attempt to summarize Nepal’s potential for attracting international financial services, Collins & Associates compared Nepal with fourteen basic factors shared by successful offshore centers. Nepal rates well in most categories. Not any one of these factors alone is decisive, but their cumulative effect makes Nepal attractive to foreign financial companies. What is of new significance for Nepal is that its strategic geographic location, long believed to be an economic disadvantage, will become an important competitive advantage in this project.

Of all the competitive factors, legislation is by far the most important. The Financial Center Act of 1996 is the necessary first step in the process of creating an International Financial Services Center. The Act establishes the principles for further legislation and creates the committees to develop and submit that legislation.

Characteristics of a Successful Financial Center

Geographic Location

1. Physical and cultural proximity to Asian markets. [GOOD]

2. Direct air access with Bangkok, Hong Kong, New Delhi, Shanghai, Singapore, Dubai, London, Frankfurt, and Paris. [GOOD]

3. The Nepalese business day overlaps most major world financial markets, permitting same-day transactions.[6] [GOOD]

4. Attractive cultural and leisure activities for business visitors. [GOOD]

Political Factors

5. A viable nation-state in the international community. [GOOD]

6. A politically stable democracy. [ADEQUATE]

7. An active pr-business policy environment. [GOOD]

Legal

8. Specific legislation to attract international financial services. [AVAILABLE VIA LEGISLATION]

9. A modern body of trust, banking, and corporate law with a common law tradition. [AVAILABLE VIA LEGISLATION]

Business Environment

10. A pool of professional, managerial and office expertise. [NEEDS UPGRADING]

11. Law cost of local employees, service, and housing. [GOOD]

12. International telecommunications capabilities.[7] [GOOD]

13. Urban facilities: hotels, office space, etc. [ADEQUATE]

14. English understood, both in business and in government. [GOOD]

9. Can Nepal Lose Control or be Exploited?
Many countries have become successful centers of international financial services, such as Switzerland, Bermuda, the Bahamas and Luxembourg, without being exploited by foreign interests. These counties have developed expertise, crated special regulations and have gained tremendous experience in attracting international financial institutions while developing their own economies.

Rather than being exploited, these nations have developed and maintained a reputation for integrity and competency, which has increased their stature in the world community.

Future legislation for Nepal will draw upon and include the best experience of successful financial centers. For example, a future Nepalese foreign banking act could be based on the Swiss Banking Act. Nepal will be advised in this process by international experts working in conjunction with lawyers for His Majesty’s Government of Nepal. As a result, Nepal will be protected by the safeguards and experience developed and used by these highly respected financial centers.

Other safeguards are provided in the Financial Center Act of 1996, which requires that any foreign financial entity seeking registration in Nepal apply to the Accreditation Committee. This committee, chaired by the Minister of Finance and including members from the Rastra Bank and the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, will control the application, approval, monitoring, and auditing procedure for any such applicant. In addition, the schedule of fees paid to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal will be established by legislation and monitored by the Accreditations Committee. If a Registered Financial Entity (RFE) fails to comply with any of the regulations required by this committee or its controlling legislation, its registration may be revoked and the entity will lose its status to operate in Nepal. Thus, Nepal retains complete control over who will or will not be able to conduct business within its borders.

In addition, the Financial Center Act specifically prevents Nepalese citizens, or domestic corporations, form opening or using an account with a foreign bank or financial institution operating under that Act. This prevents the use of such an account for any purpose by Nepalese citizens, or corporations, including the transfer, deposit or withdrawal of funds. Should Nepalese citizens’ use of accounts or ownership in RFEs later prove desirable, this exclusion can be amended by legislation at that time.

10. Will Nepalese Companies Fact Increased Competition?
The Financial Center Act is intended to attract foreign financial services companies to Nepal. These companies will provide international financial services to their customers outside Nepal. Their local activities will consist of hiring and training Nepalese employers and using local services The Act severely restricts their activities within Nepal. For example, they cannot own real estate, accept domestic deposits or grant domestic loans, nor can they invest directly in Nepal. These restrictions eliminate competition with domestic Nepalese companies.

However, there is considerable potential for cooperation. For example Nepalese banks could syndicate loans with international financial institutions, bringing access to both capital and financial expertise. In turn this will increase the funds available to Nepalese companies and further contribute to the development of Nepal’s economy.

The goal is therefore to encourage cooperation, stimulate the local economy and increase the availability of funds to that economy, without creating competition for Nepalese businesses.

11. Will International Financial Services Companies Pay Taxes to Nepal?
The primary activities of these international financial services companies will take place outside Nepal. For example, US companies may want to invest in Asia, but channel funds through Nepal, as they presently do through Mauritius. Defining the income and hence the tax attributable to Nepal can therefore become complex and difficult to measure. In addition the prospect of paying additional taxes to Nepal may easily discourage such companies from using Nepal altogether, since many other host countries do not tax international financial transactions.

Of course, the employees of such companies will pay income on their salaries to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal. Taxes will also be paid by Nepalese companies and their employees providing services to these international companies. Typically this secondary tax revenue and other contributions to the economy of the host country far exceed the potential revenues from direct taxes; see the Answer to Question 2.

To avoid these complications many financial center charge fees and licenses rather than attempt to calculate and impose taxes. These fees can be quite significant once the center is well established. For example, The Cayman Islands receive US $ 25 million a year from fees and license. This strategy of fees and licenses, rather than taxation, is the approach contained in the Financial Center Act.

12. Will Nepal’s Neighbors Object?
Nepal’s is surrounded by some of the largest and most rapidly growing economies in the world. Because of their growing need for capital to fuel the growth of their economies these countries are relaxing their restrictions on direct foreign investment. This capital can come only from developed countries.

Financial managers in the developed countries prefer to invest in countries such as India through a third country to achieve flexibility in their actions and to reduce taxes. For example, funds flowing into India through Mauritius make that small island the fourth largest source of external funds for India. This has not adversely affected relations between these two countries; to the contrary, ‘India……. has been (very) quietly encouraging the process.”[8]

Serving as a source of capital to other nations and earning a reputation as a nation with internationally recognized financial expertise can only be viewed as a positive change in Nepal’s relationships with all of its neighbors.

Certainly, neighboring countries would be concerned if Nepal attracted untaxed income from other countries, ignored money laundering, or became a haven for money derived from illegal sources. This would be extremely harmful to Nepal’s efforts to become a first-class, internationally-recognized center for financial services. The Financial Center Act of 1996 directly addresses the potential for illegal activities and specifically provides procedures, legislation and criminal penalties against bribery and the use, or the laundering of money derived from illegal sources.

13. Why should All Political Parties Support the Financial Center Act?
All the governments of Nepal the UML, the Nepali Congress, the Coalition of the Nepali congress, with the Rastriya Prajatantra Party and with the Nepal Sadbhabana Party face the same challenge in developing the economy with limited resources. Whichever political party comes to power must overcome the problems of poverty, unemployment and socio-economic inequalities. Solutions to these problems require huge financial resources. Although His Majesty’s Government of Nepal’s need for resources has increased substantially over the years, the amount of foreign aid and domestic revenue has not kept pace. Foreign aid has become uncertain, foreign private investment has been disappointing and His Majesty’s Government has had to rely more and more on external borrowing.

The Policy Commitment Act provides a credible opportunity for Nepal to expand its economy and provide new revenues to meet these continuing social needs. The arguments for passage can be summarized as follows:

All political parties recognize that:

1. Nepal needs a new powerful stimulus to its economy.

2. Continuing dependence on foreign assistance is unsound.

3. New development should avoid large capital demands which increase Nepal’s debt burden and perpetuate the cycle of poverty.

4. New development should spring from real economic forces and be built on a market-driven foundation.

This opportunity transcends political differences:

5. The opportunity to provide financial services to investors exists today. Other nations have recognized this opportunity and currently profit from it.

6. Economic research demonstrates the economic benefits an international financial center transfers to the host economy.

7. All the necessary expertise exists to create such a center in Nepal. It is available immediately at no significant cost to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.

8. It is an extension of the policy of economic liberalization and foreign investment, agreed to by all governments, i.e. Nepali Congress, the UML, and the Coalition.

Political Cooperation is necessary in order to:

9. Reaffirm the stated policies of all parties that Nepal supports foreign investment.

10. Send a clear signal to the outside world that Nepal is united in its support for an International Financial Services Center.

11. Take action on deliver real results for the Nepalese people without delay.

Establishment of a successful International Financial Service Center creates a real opportunity for Nepal and its citizens to improve their economy and define the nation’s role the next century. An opportunity of this magnitude calls for the total support and commitment of all of its political parties.

Section 2: A Financial Future for Nepal

I. An Opportunity for Nepal
The tremendous growth of the Asian economies creates a need for a new international center of finance for the region. Nepal, with its traditions of law and non-alignment, and its central location, already has many of the attributes needed to become that new center.

As an international center of finance Nepal will not only secure a more independent role in the international community, but will also become attractive for all forms of investment, including those needed for its current domestic growth.

The implications of becoming such a center are explained below along with a draft of the Enabling Legislation required to launch this project.

This proposal in no way diverts any resources from current expansion policies, nor does it place any additional strain on the environment, but in fact builds upon the core strengths of Nepal and its people.

II. Current Economic Policy
The economic policy of the government of Nepal, under the Nepali Congress and the United Marxist Leninist parties, recognized the importance of economic liberalization in Nepal. The Nepali Congress government was committed to “make foreign investment attractive by framing a timely, liberal, and open policy[9].” The UML government stated that it “firmly stood for liberal economic policy in the nation’s interest[10].” In its budget speech of 1994, the UML government stated that “encouragement will be given to such foreign investment that supports the nation through the transfer of technology, employment generation and increases in productivity.”

The economic policy of the previous governments was directed toward attracting investment within the national boundaries of Nepal. The attempts to increase economic activity followed the traditional twin strategies for developing countries, i.e., a growing emphasis on exports as engine for growth and technological transformation in the domestic economy. These policies were not directed toward any specific industry, but rather were a first step in creating an active pro-business environment. These first steps are extremely important and are a necessary beginning. They are, however, only a beginning toward entering the highly competitive world of international business.

With respect to Nepal, there remain major obstacles in implementing this current economic policy. In summary, they are:

In the competition to attract offer direct investment within Nepal, many developing countries offer a wider range of incentives which would be expensive to duplicate, and have geographical or other strategic advantages.
More-developed national offer direct financial subsidies or grants, low-cost loans, or other direct financial assistance to attract foreign investment. Nepal does not have the capital to offer similar incentives.
The process of industrialization is capital-intensive for the host government, requiring large infrastructure improvements in transportation, power, water, etc. While some foreign aid is available, there will be large capital demands and an additional debt burden placed on His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.
Heavy capital demands in Nepal divert funds from other societal needs, such as education, health facilities, environment projects, etc.
With the above disadvantages, Nepal will have a difficult time relying solely on the traditional approach to economic growth. However, becoming an international financial center adds a new, powerful dimension for achieving economic growth.

III. “Invisible Trade” An Opportunity for Nepal
The most important trend in international economics is the rapid growth in world trade. This growth is occurring despite major obstacles which tend to restrict international trade.

First, while most governments issue policy statements encouraging international expansion for their citizens and domestic corporations, they enact legislation which products the opposite effect. Most national regulatory authorities impose restrictive bank and monetary regulations on international transactions. Examples of these regulations are: exchange control, capital requirements, reporting standards, and financial market regulations. Government has a legitimate role in regulating economic activity, but many of these requirements, upon closer examination, produce no real benefits. The result is a restraint on economic activity and the imposition of higher costs on allowable transactions.

Second, the existence of differing national policies and laws creates cross-national differences which also tend to discourage international economic activity. Examples are: differing tax policies, types of allowable business entities, incorporation procedures, and the rules and systems of supervision. Thus, there exists today a maze of regulation and conflicting national policies which exerts a negative or limiting effect on effect on cross-national economic activity.

In contrast to this physical, or “visible”, movement of raw materials, technology, and production across national boundaries, another sphere of economic activity defined as “invisible” international trade can be identifies. It is “invisible” because it is not the physical activities described above, but rather the financial activities that support such trade. (Specific examples are listed below in Section XI.) “Invisible” trade operates freely across national boundaries as a result of the computer and telecommunications revolutions. Companies engaged in such trade are free to locate and operate in any country that provides the least restrictive environment for their activities.

These activities could, for example, be the worldwide investment activities of wealthy individuals, multinational corporations seeking an inexpensive and less regulated environment in which to complete international transactions, or investment companies seeking greater freedom and flexibility of investment alternatives than is permitted in their “home” environment. Examples of these types of activities are listed in Section XI.

Although it is impossible to measure its exact size, this sphere of economic activity has been described follows:

“As much as half of the world’s stock of money either resides in, or is passing through, tax havens, making them an essential catalyst for world trade…….. off-shore-based private bank deposits have accumulated perhaps a trillion dollars. And the largely offshore-based mutual fund industry has a similar amount under management.”[11]

It is within this sphere of “invisible” international trade that an opportunity exists for Nepal.

IV. Can Nepal Attract “Invisible” Trade?
In an attempt to summarize Nepal’s potential for attracting “invisible” trade we compared Nepal against fourteen basic factors shared by successful by successful offshore centers. Nepal rates well in most categories.

Of the factors below, legislation is by far the most important. The Enabling Act drafted by Collins and Associates is the necessary first step in the process of creating an international financial center. Such legislation will not only prepare Nepal for its new role but will also send a clear signal to the international financial community that Nepal is “open for business.”

Characteristics of a Successful Financial Center

Geographic Location

1. Physical and cultural proximity to Asian markets. [GOOD]

2. Direct air access with Bangkok, Hong Kong, New Delhi, Shanghai, Singapore, Dubai, London, Frankfurt, and Paris. [GOOD]

3. The Nepalese business day overlaps most major world financial markets, permitting same-day transactions.[12] [GOOD]

4. Attractive cultural and leisure activities for business visitors. [GOOD]

Political Factors

5. A viable nation-state in the international community. [GOOD]

6. A politically stable democracy. [ADEQUATE]

7. An active pro-business policy environment. [GOOD]

Legal

8. Specific legislation to attract international financial services. [AVAILABLE VIA LEGISLATION]

9. A modern body of trust, banking, and corporate law with a common law tradition. [AVAILABLE VIA LEGISLATION]

Business Environment

10. A pool of professional, managerial and office expertise. [NEEDS UPGRADING]

11. Law cost of local employees, service, and housing. [GOOD]

12. International telecommunications capabilities.[13] [GOOD]

13. Urban facilities: hotels, office space, etc. [ADEQUATE]

14. English understood, both in business and in government. [GOOD

V. Training Managerial and Office Professionals
Nepal’s only significant limitation in the preceding table appears to be the limited number of professionals, managers and clerical workers needed by financial entities. Initially the demands for these personnel can be met from the current workforce in Nepal. However, as more and more financial entities locate in Nepal, the demand for such workers will grow. Specific plans can and should be made to accommodate these future needs.

The expansion of skilled, professional labor pool of Nepalese citizens can be ensured by:

1. Requirements that all foreign companies hire and train Nepalese citizens.

2. Allocation of portion of revenues derived from foreign companies to the expansion of courses in business in schools and colleges. Examples would be computer science, financial management, international banking etc. The intention would be to create not only clerical jobs but also those for middle and upper management.

VI. Nepal is ideally located for working with major financial centers

The chart shows the corresponding times in major financial markets.

The example, at 9 am in Kathmandu it is 12.15 pm in Tokyo. When it is 5 pm in Kathmandu it is 11.15 am in London.

Kathmandu offers the widest window for communications with each of the above financial markets.

VII. Competition
As in very industry, competition exists from other nations in attracting foreign financial activities. A pattern of regional clusters of competitive nations has evolved around similar time zones and regional markets. The Asian competitors are briefly outlined below.

Hong Kong and Singapore: Established centers already offering a wide range of support and services to international trade, but which are increasingly subject to regulation and political pressures. In addition, in these centers the costs of conducting business are extremely high. China’s recent announcement that it will impose a “new political structure” on Hong Kong after July 1, 1997, may cause a significant “flight of capital.” This would provide an enormous and timely opportunity to attract foreign capital leaving Hong Kong to a newly formed international financial and trading center in Kathmandu.
Vanuatu and Nauru: Independent island states in the Pacific Ocean offering many tax advantages but lacking major strategic considerations.
Labuan Island: Malaysia’s offshore tax haven has had some success, confirming the region’s need for such a center. However, its remote location and limited accessibility are major disadvantages when compared with Nepal.
Collins and Associates have carefully examined and considered the laws and regulations now in use by these and other competing financial centers. Such laws are major factors in attracting foreign financial entities. The approach proposed by Collins and Associates, commencing with the Enabling Act (attached), and followed by legislation designed to meet the specific needs of selected financial institutions, will ensure that Nepal will have a strong competitive advantage in attracting those institutions.

VIII. Benefits to Nepal
In view of Nepal’s immediate need for economic development, this proposal offers the most rapid to improvement of the Nepalese economy. Following only a conventional approach to development will take decades to have a measurable impact on the living standards of Nepal or provide visible signs of progress. A bold set of enabling policies and laws commencing with the proposed Enabling Act (attached) and the climate so signaled will attract foreign financial entities and provide rapid benefits to the economy and people of Nepal.

Advantages to Nepal of establishing a successful international trade and financial services industry are:

Provides major new sources of revenue for His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, from the overseas activities of foreign corporations based in Nepal.
As an internal center of finance, Nepal will secure a more independent role in the international community and gain its attention and respect.
The incentives required to encourage foreign entities to locate in Nepal, or establish a legal presence in Nepal, do not require capital incentives or significant investment from His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.
A prosperous financial services industry, by necessity, will create a competent professional infrastructure of business-related and legal services. These skills will be helpful in encouraging and servicing any expanded economic activity in Nepal.
“Invisible” trade activities promote a wide range of additional economic activities with increased business travel and tourism as obvious examples. The number of conferences can be expected to grow substantially as companies become aware of the business and leisure attractions of Nepal. The increased volume of business travel would greatly benefit the travel and tourism industry by requiring increased employment, higher quality services, and new foreign investments.
An international reputation for expertise in banking and financial services will radically improve the image of Nepal. This will greatly improve the ability for both new and existing industries to obtain financing and grow in Nepal.
International trade requires first-class telecommunications capability. The influx of communications technology financed by private sources will assist in modernizing the communications systems in Nepal.
Unlike other forms of investment, development as an international center of finance place minimal demands on the environment of Nepal.
The provision of preferential treatment of foreign companies need have very little impact o existing Nepalese businesses and society. Indeed, an emphasis on the development of financial services and international trade will have a much less disruptive impact than any other forms of development. The challenge may then be to ensure that the benefits derived from these financial developments and investments be made available to the people of Nepal, such that they will be widely recognized and supported.

IX. No adverse Impact on Current Revenues
In principle, the laws creating the international financial center will not apply, in whole or in part, to Nepalese citizens or to domestic corporations. Nepalese ownership of “invisible” trade companies will be expressly prohibited. This avoids creating a “tax loophole” for existing businesses.

Therefore there will be no loss of current sources of revenue to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.

Should Nepalese ownership later prove desirable, this exclusion can be amended by later legislation.

X. Legal Infrastructure
The corporate and commercial law of Nepal is similar to the Indian legal system, which is essentially based on the British Common Law system. As a result, reliance on judicial precedence as part of the existing legal system in applicable. This legal system in shared not only with the United Kingdom and India, but also the Cayman Islands, and many other financial centers. These facts, coupled with the existence of a direct participatory democracy, lead Collins and Associates to believe that a body of modern corporate statutory law could be crafted. This would allow and encourage foreign entities to operate from within Nepal and to rely upon the protection of law. Special-purpose legislation could be enacted to govern specific industries which the country is seeking to attract, e.g. banking trading investment activities, finance activities, mutual funds, and international sales activities. Such a framework would be immediately recognized as creating an opportunity by financial sophisticates throughout the world and would give comfort to international entities seeking to take advantage of Nepal’s accommodative legislative environment.

XI. Which Businesses will be attracted to Nepal?
This legislation would be fashioned to provide an ideal environment for the activities of the following entities:

§ Foreign bank and trust companies or their branches.

§ International insurance and reinsurance companies or their branches.

§ Companies serving as the registered offices for foreign companies.

§ International holding and investment companies.

§ Foreign companies establishing an administrative or regional office.

§ International trading companies.

§ International finance companies.

§ Foreign real estate holding companies.

§ Patent and royalty companies.

§ Mutual funds.

§ Non-incorporated entities: partnerships and trusts.

§ International sales companies.

§ Special entities to allow nonresident pensions or deferred bonus plans.

Collins and Associates, in the course of developing this proposal, have already had discussions with a number of companies in the above categories. These are prime candidates to be contacted after the passage of the Enabling Act.

XII. Proposed Legislation the Enabling Act
An environment conducive to the creation of a “world class” trading financial services, and offshore banking industry in Nepal can be accomplished with the existing framework of the Foreign Investment and One-Window Policy of 1992. That policy and subsequent policy statement of the two preceding governments are important first steps to encourage foreign investment, but it should now be extended include “invisible” international trade.

This extension creating the framework for an international financial center can be started with the passage by the Nepalese Parliament of the attached Enabling Act. This act establishes the principles for future legislation and empowers the Minister of Finance to develop and submit specific legislation.

The prompt passage of this Enabling Act is crucial because it signals Nepal’s commitment to becoming an international financial center and is the first step in that process.

XIII. Marketing Nepal as a Financial Center
Marketing Nepal as a financial services center requires care in the selection of lead companies in each segment of the financial industry. The proper choice will not only establish these companies in Nepal but their presence will create publicity and encourage other such companies to locate in Nepal.

Collins and Associates, as part of their research into the feasibility of creating an international center of finance in Nepal, have already identified and contacted companies who are prime candidates to be the first to establish financial operations in Nepal. These companies have assured us that they only await the passage of the Enabling Act to commence specific plans to locate in Nepal.

These lead companies have indicated a willingness to work with the legislature in Nepal in developing the details of legislation for their market segment. This will accelerate the process and set the ground rules for the next round of companies that are candidates to locate in Nepal.

Once the lead companies are committed, Collins and Associates plan to sponsor an International Conference to be held in Kathmandu to gain the maximum publicity with potential participants. This conference will feature the lead companies, by then established in Nepal.

Thereafter, Nepal can be broadly promoted as an international financial center.

XIV. Conclusion and Implementation
Collins and Associates believe this proposal is a natural extension of the liberal economic policies followed by both the Nepali Congress and the UML governments.

No other economic development proposal offers the promise of rapid improvement in the Nepalese economy and increased revenues with so little disruption to Nepalese society or the environment. Further, this proposal does not require any changes in existing development strategies.

Our premise is that the initial steps in implementing our recommendations can be accomplished at no cost to Nepal for the services of Collins and Associates. Mr. Collins has had a long-term personal interest in Nepal. His primary interest is to assist Nepal in its economic development in an area in which Nepal possesses many of the ingredients necessary for success. He is offering to finalize and implement the proposal, with the assistance of several senior associates, at no cost to His Majesty’s Government of Nepal. We expect that subsequent funding can be obtained from participating companies interested in doing business in Nepal. Collins and Associates believe this can be accomplished without compromising the interests of Nepal.

For countries to be successful in economic development, they must market their core competencies. Nepal already possesses many of the attributes necessary to effectively compete with other financial centers for “invisible” trade. Briefly stated, the goal is to ultimately make Nepal the “Switzerland” of Asia. Success or failure will depend upon:

Passage of the Enabling Act, as drafted by Collins and Associates, which signals to the international financial community that Nepal is committed to this policy.
Continuing support and cooperation of His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.
Creation of the proper legal and policy environment. Through the implementation of the International Financial Services Act.
Marketing of Nepal-based services to the world of international trade and finance.
Any comments and suggestions which will assist these efforts will be most welcome.

[1] For comparison, the gross domestic product of Nepal in 1994 was US $ 3,266 million, virtually the same as the Bahamas.

[2] Ministry of Finance, Government of Bermuda “International Companies 1994, Their Impact on the Economy of Bermuda,” by Brian Archer 1995.

[3] The contribution of the Gross Domestic product of Nepal in 1995 by tourism, hotels, and restaurants was US $ 396 million.

[4] E.E. Leamer, “Source of International Comparative Advantage: Theory and Evidence,” Cambridge, Massachusetts 1984.

[5] Ministry of Finance, Government of Bermuda “International Companies 1994, Their Impact on the Economy of Bermuda,” by Brian Archer 1995.

[6] Nepal’s ideal geographic location allows “same-day” transactions in every major Asia, Australasian, Middle Eastern and European market, from Sydney to London, and from Johannesburg to Moscow and Shanghai.

[7] Today’s technology allows expansion at minimal cost, which could be financed by the foreign entities themselves.

[8] The Economist, Finance and Economic Section, September 30, 1995

[9] Foreign investment and One-Window Policy, 1992

[10] The Rising Nepal, 7 December 1994

[11] Euromoney, April 1991, page 73

[12] Nepal’s ideal geographic location allows “same-day” transactions in every major Asia, Australasian, Middle Eastern and European market, from Sydney to London, and from Johannesburg to Moscow and Shanghai.

[13] Today’s technology allows expansion at minimal cost, which could be financed by the foreign entities themselves.

Political economy analysis is a powerful tool for improving the effectiveness of aid. Bridging the traditional concerns of politics and economics, it focuses on how power and resources are distributed and contested in different contexts, and the implications for development outcomes. It gets beneath the formal structures to reveal the underlying interests, incentives and institutions that enable or frustrate change. Such insights are important if we are to advance challenging agendas around governance, economic growth and service delivery, which experience has shown do not lend themselves to technical solutions alone.

[pdf-embedder url=”http://bipinadhikari.com.np/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/How-to-note-PEA-DFID.pdf” title=”How to note PEA DFID”]

United Nations: Guidance Note of the Secretary-General on Democracy (2009) – PDF file (A Publication of United Nations)
This note sets out the United Nations framework for democracy based on universal principles, norms and standards, emphasizing the internationally agreed normative content, drawing on lessons learned from experience and outlining the areas of support in which the UN has comparative advantages. It commits the Organization to principled, coherent and consistent action in support of democracy.

“As there is a vacancy for over three dozen judges in Supreme Court, Appellate Courts and District Courts, Maoists appear to be in a rush to fill them with people close to them. However, Maoist considers the presence of senior advocate Motikazi Sthapit, as a member at Judicial Council (JC) – as its main hurdle in achieving this job. Thus, the Maoists have pressured him to resign. Since there is a clear constitutional provision regarding the tenure of JC member Sthapit, Maoists cannot remove him through any executive order. At a time when country’s almost all institutions, which were built over last five decades of democratic experiments, have already been shaken badly one after another in the last two and a half years of Loktantra, Maoists, who virtually destroyed developmental infrastructures, grass root democratic institutions by committing number of atrocities against the local representatives, are now finally in the process of dismantling the values and ideals of independence of judiciary – the last safeguard for individual freedom and liberal democracy. If Maoists are allowed to have free hand in JC, it will hurt the independence of judiciary, which is going to be a major setback to liberal democracy”

“In the changed political context, Motikazi Sthapit, member of Judicial Council, should resign respecting the mandate given by people to us,” Minister for Law, Justice and Constituent Assembly Affairs Dev Gurung told SPOTLIGHT. “I don’t understand why our friends in opposition and some lawyers affiliated to Nepali Congress are blowing this simple issue as a major crisis,” said minister Gurung.

For minister Gurung, who came to power by committing all kinds of atrocities and violating all civilized manners, constitution, precedence and law do not count much. As he often reportedly said he came to power with certain objective: to destroy all the state institutions which they failed to accomplish during their twelve years long violent struggle.

“Because of the row in the JC, we are unable to appoint judges in vacant positions in the various courts,” said Gurung.”We will take necessary decision soon to settle the controversy. “Gurung, however, did not clarify what the decisions will be. It is natural for minister Gurung and his comrades to impose their will through coercion or force rather than following the constitutional ways.

What Is Judicial Council?
The Interim Constitution has created a Judicial Council as an exclusive authority for dealing with some of the most important issues relating to an independent judiciary. This is very unique system of Nepal. The framer of the constitution created this body hoping that the process of nomination for appointment of judges must bolster the independent and impartial image of the judiciary and not serve to undermine it.

The council was given a wide range of power to allow it to keep the moral standards of the judiciary high and maintain the dignity of judicial independence. Meetings of the council are convened by the chief justice either on his own initiative or at the request of at least two members of the council to discuss the agenda prepared by them. The provisions make the presence of the law minister on the council largely ceremonial since he can always be outvoted by the three Supreme Court judges on the council.

Sthapit’s Controversy
Renowned senior advocate and former attorney general Sthapit was appointed one and half years ago in accordance with the 113(1) (d) of Interim Constitution as a jurist by prime minister for the fixed tenure of four years. There is a constitutional provision that such person may be removed from office on the same grounds and in the same manner as provided for the removal of a judge of the Supreme Court.

The fifth amendment of interim constitution has further strengthened the JC member. When Sthapit was appointed by prime minister, he also exercised the power of head of the state including receiving credentials of ambassadors, appointment of ambassadors and members of constitutional bodies. After the fifth amendment of interim constitution in June, a member of judicial council is now appointed by president under recommendation of prime minister.

“The constitution has not given any authority to anybody even to president or prime minister to ask for his resignation. How can a minister, who is just an ex-officio member, ask for his resignation? This position was created to guarantee the independence of judiciary. Since the article 113 (2) fixes the tenure of member of council and 113 (3) has provision for removal, it is the only two third majority of members of legislative parliament who can remove him. Maoists just want to appoint their own ideologically oriented followers to destroy the independence of judiciary,” said advocate Madhav Kumar Basnet.

Other independent lawyers, too, agree with this argument. “As the institution of Judicial Council is created by Constitution, there are constitutional provisions for appointment, tenure and removal of the members. Among five members of council three are ex-officio members who do not have fixed tenure but two members have fixed tenure of four years,” said constitutional lawyer Bhimarjun Acharya. “Fundamental question regarding this debate, how can an ex-officio member of the council demand resignation of a person – whose tenure is fixed by constitution? This provision has been placed there to make judiciary independent. There is no role of executive in appointment of judges as judges are appointed under the nomination of Judicial Council.”

As Maoist minister Gurung is holding a long list of newly aspirant pro-Maoist cadres for the position of judges, he requires majority in the council. If minister Gurung is able to appoint his own henchman in the position of Motikazi Sthapit, he can manipulate the remaining member in the fold to take the decision on the basis of majority.

“The stand taken by Motikazi Sthapit is not for his personal benefit but guided by his commitment to the constitution for which he has taken oath,” said Acharya. “If he resigns, other judges, too, will be coerced to do so. The most important thing at this crucial juncture is the question of safeguarding the independence of judiciary.”

Although Sthapit’s issue was raised in the Legislative Parliament by the leading member Radheshyam Adhikary and others, Minister Gurung continues putting all kinds of mental pressure upon Sthapit to resign.
“As he is in the last leg of his career, Motikazi Sthapit as an individual has nothing to lose even if he is forced to resign but his resignation will harm the independence of judiciary,” said Basnet.

Lawyers argue that the issue raised now, therefore, that the person appointed by a prime minister of a party has to immediately resign after the change of government is a notion directly against the concept of judicial independence.

“The supremacy of party in the appointment process against the concept of autonomous recommendatory body does not respect the very fundamental concept of independence of judiciary. Therefore, the key issue now reflects the direct ideological concept- classical communism vis-a-vis democratic norms respecting the independent of judiciary. It has to be remembered that the controversy of constitutional incorporation of parliamentary hearing has a remote linkage with the notion of judicial independence maintained under appointment process through the recommendation of an independent and autonomous entity like judicial council, which has the representation of parliamentary members and the government through the minister of law and justice,” said a lawyer.

Such arguments were raised in a recently filed petition in the supreme court by amicus curie while the hearing was conducted by the Supreme Court against incorporation of parliamentary hearing through the constitutional amendments and references were made about similar arguments presented by the Canadian and Australian jurists against proposed changes in their judicial appointment process also.

“Similar controversy has arisen with regard to appointment process in Canada and Australia also. The jurists of these countries have strongly resisted against introduction of parliamentary hearing in the appointment process under an American model simply because the process adopted to appoint through an independent commission, in itself, incorporates parliamentary representations also, which American mode does not,” said Dr. Surya Dhungel, a constitutional expert.

Means for Removal
“If the Maoist minister wants Sthapit’s removal, why does he not table the motion for impeachment? The resignation is not a voluntary thing that one can coerce someone to do whose tenure is already fixed by constitution,” said a legal analyst.

Once a person is appointed, his position is guaranteed by constitution not by anybody’s whim. Even with the change of PM, it cannot affect the person. “It is surprising that at this controversial period, a prime minister wanted to see a person who is strongly taking a position based on inherent constitutional responsibilities vested on him.”

Surprisingly, nobody is questioning the justification and legitimacy of mysterious call from the prime minister who never tried to see him before this incident took place. Should prime minister call him? Nobody has challenged the prime minister.

If the government or prime minister is seriously considering removing him, he should convince the legislative parliament on the motion for impeachment.

Question of Sthapit
Senior advocate Sthapit had been attorney general during three prime ministers Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Girija Prasad Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba after the political change of 1990. As attorney general does not have any fixed tenure, Sthapit resigned instantly following the change in the government. But, his membership in Judicial Council has fixed tenure, therefore, he has taken a constitutional stand.

“His stand is constitutionally correct. But he is bound to meet prime minister if he invites him for discussion,” said Agni Kharel.

Others differ. “Since Sthapit’s position is created by constitution, it is against the spirit of constitution to go to prime minister’s residence to listen to his sermon,” said advocate Basnet. “To safeguard the constitution, he is taking right stand.”

As the dispute surfaced, Maoist minister is pressuring Sthapit to meet the prime minister.

At this controversial juncture, Sthapit’s visit to meet prime minister could be taken as begging for his position. If PM asks him to favor his nominee, what would he do? “His stand not to meet the prime minister is constitutionally correct. Once he meets prime minister, his independence will diminish,” said advocate Acharya.

Maoist Stand
Maoists argue that Sthapit needs to resign on the ground of change of the government. “Sthapit was appointed by then prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala and he should resign following the change of government.”The question of tenure is not applicable since he is appointed on political ground,” said Raman Shrestha, secretary of Nepal Bar Association.

“There is no justification to make such a hue and cry. Sthapit should have resigned quietly paving the way for new appointment,” said Maoist CA member and advocate Khim Lal Devkota. “We will take necessary step. Even if it requires tabling of the impeachment motion, we can table the motion for impeachment.”

About a dozen lawyers with Maoist affiliation are now trying to create the environment that JC member is a political appointee. “Since Motikazi Sthapit was appointed on the recommendation of prime minister, he must resign in the changed context,” said advocate Mukti Pradhan. Maoist lawyers seem to be preparing to force Sthapit to resign.

“Since he was appointed by previous prime minister, Sthapit should go.Along with constitutional, there also involves political questions,” said Raman Shrestha, general secretary of NBA. Dominated by followers of CPN-Maoist, Nepal Bar Association is yet to pronounce its official stand. When former king took similar stand, they had rushed to condemn him.

Although the debate has already surfaced in public, the NBA has not made its stand clear: whether it stands in favor of government or for independence of judiciary. Bar president Bishwokanta Mainali’s stand seems to be neutral but secretary of NBA Raman Shrestha, who is a Maoist cadre, is supporting the minister.

“The judiciary of Nepal is grappling with the issue of independence ever since the 1990 Constitution was pulled down. This is not the first time that this issue has come up with all the bitterness. Institutionally, it is difficult for the judiciary in the prevailing situation to remain impartial, given the overbearing political environment, and the ongoing acculturation. In this situation, it is not easy for the judiciary to make its decisions accepted by the parties and the public, and stand free from undue interference. The issue of undue interference is subtle and nuanced,” said Dr Bipin Adhikari, constitutional expert “The case of Sthapit falls under this category. The government has no compelling reasons, which can persuade a senior lawyer like Sthapit to tender his resignation in the interest of the larger public good. The intention of the government is loud and clear: it wants an indoctrinated judiciary.”

The ongoing attempt against senior advocate and member of Judicial Council Sthapit by Maoist minister is not a personal issue but something that can have a long term implications on independent of judiciary. If Sthapit is compelled to resign under coercion, many other judges in the courts may have to face similar situation.

Law On Judicial Council
Article 113 (1): There shall be judicial council to make recommendations and give advice in accordance with this constitution concerning the appointment of, transfer of, disciplinary action against, and dismissal of judges, and other matters relating to judicial administration, which shall consist of the following as the chairpersons and members:

a) The Chief Justice – Chairperson
b) The minister of justice – member
c) Senior-most judge of the Supreme Court -Member
d) A person to be appointed by president under the recommendation of prime minister from among jurists (Fifth amendment)
e) A senior advocate, or an advocate who has at least twenty years experience to be appointed by the chief justice on the recommendation of the Nepal Bar Association

(2) The term of office of the members referred to in sub-clauses (d) and (e) of clause (1) shall be four years and their remuneration and privileges shall be the same as those of a judge of the Supreme court.

(3) The members referred to in sub-clause (d) and (e) of clause (1) above, may be removed from office on the same grounds and in the same manner as provided for the removal of judge of the Supreme Court.

The whole concept of constituting judicial council to recommend the name of judges is mainly to ensure the independence of judges in the appointment process. Once a council member has been appointed, no matter whether he/she is appointed by prime minister or anyone else, his tenure is guaranteed by the constitution itself so that the member does not have to be in any form influenced by person who appoints him. So he/she is made free from the influxes of person who appoint him.

(Courtesy: Spotlight)

“Whenever politicians failed in power in the past, they had populist slogans in their hand to divert the attentions: changing the constitution. Without facing any problems, politicians had scrapped previous five constitutions and the current interim constitution is already going to be replaced. Given the past experiences, nobody is sure whether politicians will make the seventh constitution through Constituent Assembly (CA). Even United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon – who paid two days visit to Nepal (October 31-November 1) smelled something wrong and reminded political leaders that they need to pay their attention in drafting a new constitution for stable and prosperous Nepal. Sandwiched between Asia’s two major power India and China, the constitution has nothing to do with Nepal’s perennial political crisis and prolonged political instability. All previous constitutions were prematurely abrogated under populist slogans with leaders urging the people to support them to bring new constitution for political stability, economic prosperity, protection of individual freedom, and democratic rights. The tragedy of Nepal is that politicians use populist slogan of constitution making as a weapon to go to power and destabilize the whole political process”

“You must also draft a new constitution. This will be extremely difficult, but also extremely rewarding. The process will bring you face to face with a number of contentious issues, such as state restructuring. You will have to create a federal state that empowers different ethnic groups while maintaining national unity. This is a tremendous opportunity to lay the foundation for a stable Nepal for generation to come,” said UN secretary general Moon addressing Constituent Assembly.

No one has any disagreement over what UN secretary general Moon said during his visit as Nepal’s priority should be to make a constitution for shortening the interim period. However, recent political trends indicate that the constitution making process has to face many political hurdles. Some time the seen forces obstruct the process and some time unseen force-which is more determining than the seen political forces – creates the trouble.

The process of making constitution is now stalled thanks to the dispute over the clauses to be included in CA Regulations. Thanks to the dispute among political parties over the question of right to issue party whip, Constituent Assembly Regulation Committee is yet to complete its task.

The recent objection raised by Nepali Congress over the formation of high-level committee for the integration of Maoist combatants diverted the debate to other directions. Despite UN General Secretary’s call, the question of integration is prevailing over all other agenda.

“As long as leaders of three parties do not take sincere initiative, it is impossible to prepare a Constituent Assembly Regulation. Without drafting Regulation, we cannot start the constitution making process,” said Narayan Man Bijukchhe, chairman of CA Regulation Drafting Committee.

According to Article 65 of the Interim Constitution, unless otherwise dissolved by a resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly, the term of the Constituent Assembly shall be two years from the date of its first meeting. There is a provision for extension of its tenure for six months in case of extraordinary situation.

Although more than four months have already passed since the formation of a committee to daft CA Regulation and six months have already passed since the elections for CA, leaders of 25 parties representing 601 member jumbo house just agreed on 19 clauses out of proposed 110 clauses of the draft.
Various institutions from western democracies have been spending their money to support constitution making process by organizing exposure visit for political leaders, newly elected constituent Assembly members and civil society members but it has not made any effect on the mind of top leadership.

“As the leaders of major political parties are interested in power, making inclusive democratic constitution is nobody’s priority,” said Bijukchhe. “If political leaders are really sincere in constitution making, they would have supported me.”

As the disputes over certain fundamental questions in drafting the CA Regulations have been creating the trouble, the new dispute regarding the formation of committee for integration of Maoist combatant has pushed constitution making process in dark.

“Maoists have already indicted their intention by undermining democratic values and ideals. There is no question to join hands with Maoists unless they agree to correct authoritarian behavior,” said Nepali Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala, who led the political agitation to replace previous constitution of 1990 and draft a new constitution through Constituent Assembly.

“If necessary, I am ready to lead another agitation against any form of authoritarian rule.”

The message of Congress leader Koirala showed where the priority of his party is. Similarly, leaders of Maoists and CPN-UML indicated that they too are more interested in prolonging their stay in power than making the new constitution. “If Congress does not join five members Special Committee to integrate Maoist combatants, we will announce the referendum,” said Maoist leader Dinanath Sharma. “Integration of Maoist into national army is one of the key agenda of comprehensive peace agreement and constitution making process.”

At a time when there is uncertainty over the constitution making process, top leaders of CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist constituted high level political committee to reduce tensions between the two parties.

Instead of pushing for constitutional agenda of inclusive democracy, federalism and role of prime minister and president, leaders of two ruling parties seem to be determined to prolong life of the government.

All the major political parties were together till the abolition of monarchy and drafting the new constitution was their main agenda.

However, the situation has changed after the formation of the new government under the leadership of Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal. When he was in power, congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala accepted all the demands of Maoist including the question of integration of Maoist combatants into the national security force. However, when he is out of power now, he is leading the wrath against the Maoist.

All political leaders see power is their main agenda. The question of drafting a new constitution for federal, democratic republic is left to the NGOs and INGOs.

In the last three months, about 200 CA members and some intellectuals have already been taken to the trip of western European countries under a special funding and some organizations like GTZ have already organized national seminars for federal, democratic republic. When the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 –which guaranteed fundamental rights, freedom of expression, democratic ideals including the periodical elections, parliament accountable to the people and independent judiciary – was drafted, western countries supported the process. However, the constitution was abrogated without even an attempt for its amendment.

“Bring any constitution; it is doomed to fail if politicians are not sincere to it. Constitution is not a problem at all. In spite of solving the problems of the country through programs and actions, politicians use catchy slogans to arouse new expectations. Whenever they failed to deliver the goods to the people, instead of introspecting themselves, they condemn the constitution as obstruction. Surprisingly, same political figures champion populist slogans to fit all the time,” observed a political commentator.

Most of the Nepali Congress leaders including Girija Prasad Koirala, CPN-UML general secretary Jhalnath Khanal, leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, the chairman of the CA Subhas Chandra Nembang took part actively in the making of the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 terming it as the best constitution written by the blood of hundreds of Martyrs.

The same brand of politicians supported the Maoist demands to scrap the constitution and promulgate an interim constitution.

“None of the Constitutions promulgated in Nepal, one after another, were allowed to operate and grow smoothly based on the genius of its people. Each of them have been the victim of external forces,” said constitutional lawyer Dr. Bipin Adhikari.

No politician has clear cut vision about the constitution. They have been fighting among themselves for power sharing. If they don’t have any possibility of power sharing, they will not accept the constitution.
“If Nepali Congress does not abide by the provision of interim constitution, we too are free to choose our course,” threatens C.P. Gajurel.

Nepal has produced some best constitutions in the last five decades but all these constitutions were abruptly abrogated without experimenting them.

The first Constitution was promulgated in 1949 by Rana prime minister, and then Interim Constitution was promulgated in 1951 followed by Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1959, Constitution of Nepal 1962, Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 and Interim Constitution 2007.

Even the constitution by Rana Prime minister Padma Sumsher was commended by late Jawaharlal Nehru, prime minister of India, and largest democratic country of the world, as well as then democratic leaders M.P. Koirala and Ganeshman Singh (See Matrika Prasad Koirala’s autobiography) as a democratic constitution. Similarly, the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1959 which was drafted under the guidance of a renowned British constitutional expert Sir Ivor Jennings failed to work in Nepal. Similar fate was with the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990.

In the stable democratic countries like USA, Japan, India and United Kingdom, no political parties won the elections on the slogan of changing the constitution. American constitution has history of 235 years and United Kingdom even does not have written constitution and Japan’s Constitution is more than six decades old. India too has been functioning under a same constitution prepared more than 60 years ago. Even Israel is perfectly running its democratic system without constitution.

Thanks to strong and stable state, a single constitution has been properly functioning in US. Even African American and white candidates have not talked about the constitution even though when it was promulgated the constitution permitted slavery. The same constitution is now allowing African American to be the president of the country. However, in a fragile country like in Nepal, the constitution is the soft target to hit for reaching the power. As long as politicians are in power, they don’t bother about the constitution. They can use and misuse the sanctity and provision of constitution and its ethos.

“Recently, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown outlined twelve areas where he proposed power will devolve from the executive to the legislative: the power of the executive to declare war; the power to request the dissolution of parliament; the power over recall of parliament; the power of the executive to ratify international treaties without decision by parliament; the power to make key public appointments without effective scrutiny; the power to restrict parliamentary oversight of the country’s intelligence services; power to choose bishops; power in the appointment of judges; power to direct prosecutors in individual criminal cases; power over the civil service itself; and the executive powers to determine the rules governing entitlement to passports and the granting of pardons,”Dr. Adhikari said.

No constitution is going to last till Nepal enjoys the political stability. But, Nepal will not have political stability as long as its two neighbors are scared of each other.

“Many of the formulations of the 1990 Constitution were better than the existing parliamentary rules and traditions practiced at the Westminster or No. 10 Downing Street, the Office of the British prime Minister,” said Dr. Bipin Adhikari, a constitutional scholar.

“In most of these areas, the 1990 Constitution had made a breakthrough to hold power more accountable and to uphold and enhance the rights and responsibilities of the citizen,” he said.

Similarly, all humanitarian agencies of the democratic world have put the priority of debate on constitution as if Nepal did not have constitution in the past. In fact, Nepal has sufficient experiences of making and exercising constitution. Basic infrastructures are already there since democratic change of 1951. Nepal’s own experience is enough to accommodate growing aspirations of the people. Unfortunately, due to our politician’s outcry, the democratic world believes that Nepal doesn’t have any experience of democratic constitution.

The experiences have shown that the longevity of the constitution depends upon the stability of political system. If political situation is stable, the constitution works with it. If political system is unstable, any constitution is doomed to fail. Constitution is stable in that country where political system is stable.

Nepal has enough of experiences in drafting laws, constitutions and regulations. Nepal’s constitution suffers because of clash of interest among internal and external players.
At a time when Nepal’s major political parties, which waged all kinds of struggle demanding a new constitution to make New Nepal, are struggling for power, United Nations Secretary General, in his recent visit to Nepal, reminded that their prime work is to formulate the constitution for New Democratic Republic Nepal.
More than five months have already passed since the elections for Constituent Assembly, but nobody seems to be seriously debating over the framing of the new constitution.

Every one raises the issues of constitution but all of them want power. If one is in power, it is alright. Once they are out of power, they see many things wrong in the constitution. As survival of political leaders depends upon the state power, nobody bothers about democratic values and principles. Politicians have not given the impression to the people that they have been working for good and functional order.

By abrogating a democratic constitution of 1990, political leaders are walking on a dark road where nobody knows what type of constitution are they going to have for the country.

Courtesy: Spotlight

“Economic, geographic and political feasibility notwithstanding, political leaders with centralized mindset in each party including Madhesis are negotiating to resolve the issue of dispensing power to federal states, which they are temperamentally not prepared to do. Amidst the Madhesi Andolan of February 2007, the interim constitution has already accepted Nepal as a federal, democratic republic. Despite declaring Nepal a federal state, political leaders are still confused on what kind of federalism Nepal is going to have and what model will they adopt. The recent political deadlock between the seven party alliance and three Madhesi parties indicate that choosing the modality for federalism is a tricky issue”

“We will continue our struggle till three political parties do not agree on One Madhes One Province with complete autonomy,” said Rajendra Mahato, president of Nepal Sadvavana Party. “Only a Madhes as a single Pradesh (province) can ensure the right of the Madhesis. Madhesi people want to end century-old Pahadi domination and discriminations. We want all 20 districts of Madhes from east to west under a single province.”

There are other groups within Madhes, who oppose the demand of three major parties of Madhes. “There do not exist Madhes anywhere in Nepal. Declaring Madhes as a single state would be against the sentiments of indigenous people of terai. If this government declares Madhes as a single state, we will launch decisive struggle against it,” said Raj Kuma Lekhi, leader of Tharu Kalyankari Sabha.

“In the name of one Madhes one Pradesh some want to build another centralized state in Terai,” said Lekhi, who leads a strong ethnic group of southern plain. This Tharu community is scattered from east to west of Nepal.

“There is no question of accepting the demand of one Madhesh one Pradesh,” said CPN-UML leader Jhalnath Khanal. “This demand intends to break Nepal.”

After the amendment of the interim constitution in March 2008 following the Madheshi agitation, which Maoists openly accused India of supporting, the demand related to federal autonomous regions have been raised by various groups.

All the groups have their own agenda as some want state restructured on the basis of language and ethnicity while others want it done on the basis of geography. Country’s three major political parties, which have decisive strength in the constituent assembly, have advocated different versions. Maoists have already divided Nepal on the basis of ethnicity. Nepali Congress is yet to open its mouth while CPN-UML wants several federal states in terai as well as in hill and mountains.

In the last election, three major Madhesi political parties contested the election on the slogan of one Madhes and one Pradesh with major national parties but they secured just over 15 percent popular votes in Terai. In fact, overwhelming majority of the people of the region rejected their slogan. However, their numerical presence in CA was enough to stall the house proceedings for last two weeks.

“We need to strengthen local governments like village development committee, municipality and district development committee even under the federal system and there is a need for constitutional guarantee for local government,” said Dormani Poudel, former mayor of Hetauda Municipality and president of Nepal Municipality Association. “Before carving the federal states, the government must decide the fate of local government. Only through the devolution of power to local government, can one ensure effective empowerment.”

External Dimension
Sandwiched between two major powers of Asia, India and China, Nepal’s restructuring is a matter of great concern for both the neighbours in terms of their own security.

India’s renowned Nepal expert and professor of Jawaharlal Nehru University S.D. Muni writes, “Nepal is generally in harmony with the external context where accepted consensus is in favour of democratic institutions, multi ethnic societies and liberal open economics.”

According to Muni, there is a need to look at the greater strategic, political and economic interest of neighbour in the process of state restructuring. He argues that Nepal cannot ignore India’s genuine security and strategic interest in the process of state restructuring.

Chinese scholars – who rarely speak on Nepal’s internal political process – have also shown their interest in Nepal’s ongoing debate on restructuring. “Instead of ethnicity, Nepal should be divided under the basis of geography. Only this kind of federal state will make Nepal a strong and modern nation. China always supports Nepal remain a sovereign, independent and unified nation,” said Chinese scholar professor Wang Hongwei.

As Nepal’s two neighbours are keenly observing Nepal’s restructuring process, the country is not in a position to undermine their security and strategic interests. Although Nepal’s political parties have already accepted the agenda of federalism, it is doomed to fail if it goes against long-term strategic interest of Nepal’s neighbours.

“The slogan of federalism is just a strategic slogan to fulfill the interest under a grand design,” said a political analyst. “It is a completely inconceivable thing coming from those political parties whose leaders have completely centralized powers in their hands,” said the analyst.

Beginning of Federalism
Federalism is a word of multiple meaning and diverse hues and colors. Basically, it is a concept of devolution of power and sharing of decision making authority between at least two, if not more, institutions of governance.

Nepal has a long experience of local self government concept but they were not given adequate economic, legal and other powers. After the promulgation of local self governance act in 1999, local governments were also given quasi judicial and economic rights. The new decentralization schemes also put all central level district offices under District Development Committees.

Although the interim constitution has not made any provision in the process of state restructuring, it was incorporated following sudden outburst of violent agitation in Terai. After the first amendment of interim constitution in April 2007, the country has turned into a federal country.

An Opinion Poll conducted by Interdisciplinary Analysts in March 2008 revealed that over 66 percent of population have not heard about unitary or federal system. The report found that only 23 percent of respondents had heard about unitary or federal system. The report said that majority of Nepali people still have not heard about the terms.

According to India’s prominent constitutional lawyer Dr. Abhishek Singhvi, no single test may yield a satisfactory sub-division in a multi-ethnic, multi lingual and multicultural society like Nepal.

But inside Nepal, the debate on criteria has not been seriously carried out yet. Can Nepal cope with 9 autonomous regions as proposed by Maoists or one Madhes one Pradesh by Madhesis? There are several such tricky questions.

“None of the political leaders and their organizations have any concrete idea on federalism and devolution of power. Donors from western democracies have been helping several NGOs create awareness about federalism in the ruling leadership as well as opinion leaders of the country,” said a political analyst. “But the politicians don’t have time to think seriously these things and their main concern is to be in the forefront of leadership at the cost of others and to get upper hand in exercising state power. None of the seven party leaders have any concrete idea about the shape of the future constitution and ingredients of restricting the state into federal units.”

In fact, that is the real task of any political party contesting for power. All those superfluous and high sounding slogans were there to arouse the mass support in their favour. They will continue doing that just for the sake of power not for their materialization.

Economic Study
At a time when Nepal has been facing several economic challenges, nobody has any idea how federal states will deal with those issues. Given the limited resources and competitive market, there lies a major economic challenge of distribution of resources as well.

Under the support from DFID (ESP), Society for Constitutional and Parliamentary Exercises (SCOPE) has recently conducted a study on fiscal aspects of federalism in Nepal.

Prepared by former vice chairman of National Planning Commission Dr. Shankar Sharma, the paper intensively studies Nepal’s fiscal system and its current trends on the basis of fiscal year 2063/64.

According to the Economic Survey of 2063/064 (2006-07), the government collected total revenue of Rs, 72.28 billion in fiscal year 2062/063; Rs. 57.43 billion as tax revenue and Rs.14.85 billion as non-tax revenue. Out of this, Rs. 15.34 billion were collected from custom duties, Rs.28.11 billion from VAT and Income tax and 21.8 billion from land and registration fees, respectively.

According to Dr. Sharma, among the collections of revenue, Kathmandu had the highest contribution with 41.2 percent of total revenue generation. Parsa which includes the Birgunj custom contributed 24.8 percent and Morang, Rupandehi and Jhapa collectively contributed 14.2 percent, while Sindhupalchowk and Lalitpur and other 68 districts contributed 14.8 percent.

Nepal’s total revenue including local and national is Rs. 76.81 billion. National revenue occupies Rs 72.28 billion or 94.1 percent whereas 58 District Development Committees collected Rs 1.64 billion or 2.1 percent, 58 municipalities collected Rs. 0.94 billion or 1.2 percent and Rs1.95 billion or 2.5 percent were contributed by 1068 village development committees.

Running Federalism
“Nepal has the potential to developing specific industries compatible with geographical situation and also developing itself into a trade and transit bridge between India and China across the Himalayas. But what that would depend upon is the nature of Sino-India relations,” writes S.D. Muni in his article.

For a country which was unable to implement the decentralized local governance for such a long time, how it will implement the federal state remains to be seen.

“The demand for autonomy and federalism is a recent phenomenon in Nepali politics. Although Terai Congress in the 1950s had claimed for Terai Autonomous State, its leaders could not stand on it,” writes political scientist Krishna Khanal. “People too have strong belief in democracy. Federalism is not a panacea to all ills. The success of federalism will much depend on the present and successive political leadership. It is expected that entry into federal structure will open chances for new leadership.”

Taking Nepal’s specific geographic and socio-economic context into consideration, the regions need to be complementary to each other’s existence. Hence, the cooperation between the regions and communities is imperative. Federalism based on ethnicity alone would not address the issue of proportionate sharing of power and resources.”

Country of Minorities
According to a study, there are 101 ethnic and tribal groups in Nepal. Of the 75 districts of Nepal, Chettrisa re in majority in nine districts, Magar Tharu, Tamang, Newar and Gurung are majority communities in 14 districts. Among the hill caste and ethnic groups, they are in a majority in 28 districts, while the Madhesi communities are in majority in 8 districts.

“Madhesi Pradesh which is heterogeneous in ethnic, demographic and linguistic considerations can hardly form a single unit. The Tharus of western and inner terai and plains don’t like to be a part of the single Madhes Pradesh because of their own desire for a separate Tharuwan Pradesh. Similarly, the people of inner Terai-Bhawar where a sizable hill people reside may not also easily agree to form a single Madhes Pradesh,” said Dr. Lok Raj Baral in his article Nepal as a Federal State.

Although Madhesi leaders claim that their area is heart land of Nepal’s economy, it is not completely true. Its contribution to the national economy is comparatively lower than the hills. However, the overall investment in terai is much higher than in the hills. From irrigation to roads and other projects, terai consumes large amount of development expenditure.

Hill generates resources through remittances, tourism and hydro power and consumption. Even the revenue generated in custom points in terai is consumed by the population of hilly region. For instance, the goods imported to Kathmandu contributes to over 60 percent of revenue generated in Birgunj Custom.

From infrastructures to all other facilities, the government annually spends huge amount of money in terai. Unlike in the past, Kathmandu valley is gradually becoming the major center for foreign trade as most of the import based garment, carpet and pashmina industries are now located in Kathmandu. Before 1990, many industrial hubs which were established in terai region with an intention to export the goods are not in operation now.

But the Madhesi leaders have claimed otherwise. “Madhes is the industrial and agriculture belt of the country. It contributes 72 percent of total GDP but it gets only 12-18 percent of the development budget. The largest trade revenue of the country comes from Madhes,” writes Nepali Congress leader Amresh K.Singh in his article restructuring the Nepali State: Madhesi perspective. “Madheshi population want to have its own identity. In past and even today, they are being divided and exploited. Madhesis now want to get united as one major group in the country and ask for their rights to be treated at the same level as others.”

The reality of Nepal, however, is that this is the country of minorities and they need to live together harmoniously if they want to survive as prosperous, stable and independent nation.

“Taking Nepal’s specific geographic and socio-economic context into consideration, the regions need to be complementary to each other’s existence and hence cooperation between the regions and communities is imperative. It can also be called cooperative federalism. Nepal’s cultural, ethnic and regional diversities should be taken into account while finding out the rationale of federalism,” said Dr. Lok Raj Baral.

The question now is will Nepal sustain the federalism and, more importantly, are the political leaders who hold centralized power willing to devolve their power to the state. Given Nepal’s geo-strategic location, the challenge for any system, whether unitary, federal, monarchical or republic, will be how to adjust with the security interests of two big neighbours.

Bolivian Experience
At a time when Nepal is preparing to write a new constitution through elected Constituent Assembly (CA) and debate on federalism has heated up in the country, a tiny land-locked nation of South America is also struggling through the similar process.

A constitutional expert Dr Bipin Adhikari draws parallels from Bolivian experience, which are relevant to Nepal.

“Nepal’s advocates of federalism should be able to know why Bolivia which has also drafted a new Constitution through the Constituent Assembly convened in June 2006 has not been able to enforce it right away,” said Dr. Adhikari.

“The overwhelming recent vote in favour of autonomy in Bolivia’s richest province called Santa Cruz has strengthened the challenge to the reforms being ushered in by the government of President Evo Morales. Exit polls indicate that 85 percent of voters in this eastern province which is mostly inhabited by the European (Spanish) immigrants than indigenous descent backed the autonomy statute in May 4 election, which was declared illegal by the national government and the electoral authorities. The highly polarised South American country is caught up in uncertainty as to what will happen next,” Dr Adhikari added.

Bolivia is basically divided between the western highlands, home to the impoverished indigenous majority, and the much wealthier eastern provinces, which account for most of the country’s natural gas production, industry, agribusiness and gross domestic product. The autonomy movement is spearheaded by the interests which are not sympathetic to the indigenous people most of whom live in appalling poverty.

Dr Adhikari further pointed out, “The autonomy statute in Santa Cruz and similar referendums planned in other lowland provinces is the question of control and use of natural resources like natural gas, farmland, iron ore, water and forests. This statute would give the province the right to elect its own legislature, create a separate police force, and negotiate its own contracts with foreign oil companies. It would also block the central government’s agrarian reform efforts aimed at curbing the heavy concentration of land ownership and distributing idle land to landless indigenous peasants from Santa Cruz and other provinces.”

“In fact, the proposal for other categories of autonomy — regional, indigenous, and municipal — set forth by the constituent assembly led to a break between the eastern autonomy movements and the national government. The country is losing its strategic and richer provinces very soon because it has not been able to contain their temptation to breakaway due to so many national and international reasons.”

Exactly 28 minutes before midnight on May 28, the first session of the constituent assembly announced abolition of monarchy and declared the country a Federal Democratic Republican. The resolution that was put to vote without any debate was adopted with 560 in favour and four against it.

King Gyanendra the 13th king (including Dipendra) accepted the verdict of the constituent assembly with grace, and was preparing to leave the Narayanhiti palace which the government has decided to convert into a national museum, later this week.

Gyanendra, his son Paras and former queen mother Ratna Rajya Lakshmi are likely to share the residential complex that houses Nirmal Niwas and Jeevankunj in Maharajgunj.

Home Minister KP Sitaula, who is not a member of the House, moved the resolution and announced that the ex-king and none of his family members will be entitled to any privileges more than what an ordinary citizen gets. Two days later, Sitaula handed over the ‘vacate notice’ giving 15 days time to leave the palace. Prime Minister GP Koirala chose not to allow Gyanendra to address the nation before the 240-year old institution was moved in the constituent assembly.

Within hours of the decision in the constituent assembly, Gyanendra is believed to have himself asked palace officials to bring down the royal standard that had a lion holding a rectangular flag. On May 29, some civil society leaders challenged the government decision not to hoist the national flag since the occupants of the palace were not holding any official positions.

Three flags were hoisted just above what used to be the royal office earlier. Youths belonging to the Maoists and other parties pelted stones and clashed with the police in the Durbar square area demanding that the national flag be hoisted there.

Palace officials have been asked to deposit all property in kind under their responsibility to an official committee that the government has formed. Palace officials assembled on Saturday, a day after the committee was formed, to enumerate the objects before handing them over. On June 1, the government team visited the palace for a preliminary assessment of the property.

But the way the entire resolution was moved and carried not only baffled the constitutional experts, but also the diplomats present there. “The manner it was passed defies all norms of parliamentary and democratic practices,” Bipin Adhikari, a constitutional lawyer told Newsfront.

Some are even questioning the legality and constitutionality of the whole exercise. “The house was not even complete as 26 members are yet to be nominated by the government. Moreover, Sitaula is not a member and his entry in the house as well as his moving the resolution are insult to the people,” Kumar Regmi, President of the Constitutional Lawyers Forum told Newsfront.

The house that was supposed to have met at 11 AM could begin only around 9.45 in the evening. According to the sources in the constituent assembly, the pro-tem speaker, Prime Minister as well as Home Minister and the Maoist leaders were opposed to allowing any debate taking place.

Nembwang went to the extent of warning it will be starting a wrong precedence and ‘we should not curtail’ the normal procedure and members’ rights. The broader understanding was to go for the ‘end’ that cared about the ‘means’ or procedure. Maoists even accused that a last minute conspiracy was being hatched to save the monarchy. “That in fact, stopped everyone from talking about rules and procedure,” CA sources said.

Penning this before yesterday’s scheduled opening of the Constituent Assembly (CA) when the ‘declaration of a republic’ was to be a done deed, the thought that arose in this commentator’s mind was whether in so doing we as a nation have not acted in reckless haste only to deeply repent at leisure later.

In fact, quite apart from the tearing haste that was exhibited in many political quarters on this score, myriad issues including those of external pressures, political probity and constitutional lacunae were linked to it.

EXTERNAL PRESSURE

Most galling, at least to people who consider themselves patriots, is that certain external forces – too well known to need any specific or special mention here – provided much of the driving force to attempt to do away by fiat the institution of the Monarchy in its most recent 240 year-old manifestation.

Irrespective of all other considerations, that pungent home truth should have caused all conscious citizens to ponder why such powers or foreign interests were so determined to uproot the very institution that was instrumental, along with the Army, in putting Nepal, as we know it today, on the map of the world.

What was it about the institution that stuck in their delicate gullets? Were they in fact against the very concept of Nepal as an independent, sovereign state? Was Nepal under the Monarchy too independent or nationalistic in her foreign policy projection? Was she a hurdle in the advancement of unspoken global geo-political goals and geo-strategic maneuvers using Nepalese territory as a convenient base? Or, was it merely that a Hindu Monarchy was considered completely unacceptable or anathema to them?

One doesn’t have to be a Kissinger or Muni to realise that there are umpteen Monarchies and Muslim Sheikhdoms, including those in Asia, that are still being robustly supported by the new ‘democratic’ messiahs rampaging across the globe in an evangelical fervour. The question is: why should only the Nepali Monarchy have been thus targeted?

At the very least, such disturbing questions ought to have caused a pause and stirred a thorough debate and discussion in the CA before the Rubicon was so recklessly crossed.

Yet, the unseemly haste is manifest in the domestic sphere as well. Thus the interim constitution that pledged a CA to the Nepalese people has, as noted constitutional lawyers have pertinently pointed out, been executed without even specifying its constituent powers.

As Bipin Adhikari argued and rued in a recent article in the Kathmandu Post: “The interim constitution does not guarantee that the sovereign house will have no limitations in its constituent powers or that it will not be constrained by the decisions of the interim legislature or the interim government on the basis of this constitution or by any executive agreement that it has signed with rebellious groups in the pre-election period.”

DUE PROCESS
Besides, the hurried or slapdash nature of the whole business has been poignantly reflected in that the Assembly did not provide the aggrieved party, or the King, the opportunity to contest the motion against him in the House where he should have been allowed to present his case before the die was cast.

As Adhikari bemoaned in an opinion piece also in the Kathmandu Post: “In (a) democracy it (providing such an opportunity) matters; and it matters in the most powerful sense. The King is not being toppled; he is being laid off. If this is the truth, then the process requires that he must be allowed an adequate opportunity to present his case.”

Quite aside from the miasma of subterfuge that wafted from the grotesque Alice in Wonderland-like ‘sentence first – verdict afterwards’ approach, there is the incontrovertible fact that in the end the seven super political parties that called the shots decided this cardinally important question for the entire population.

What, pray, is the meaning of ‘loktantra’ if the right of the ‘lok’ to pronounce on the key constitutional issue was so brazenly hijacked by a political cabal acting in the name of the people. If so, what we now have is not ‘loktantra’ but ‘partytantra’ – with the real decisions being made virtually by one party!

Furthermore, do universally accepted notions of political probity and norms of fair play and parliamentary ethics have absolutely no place in the new ‘loktantric’ order of ‘naya Nepal’? Else, why should the provision have been made to decide that fundamentally important issue by a simple majority – when every other decision on which there is no consensus needs a two-thirds majority?

Was the Monarchy vs. Republic issue a trivial one? Or, was the intention right from the start to bulldoze through regardless, comforted in the knowledge that, at least for now, there is no likelihood of effective opposition either from inside the Assembly or from without? Was all this merely, or mainly, to please unseen powers that be?

The less said about the double or even treble standards of the fabled ‘international community’ the better. As already noted, most members of that charmed circle had vested interests or hefty axes to grind in seeing that the institution of the Nepali Monarchy goes the way of the dodo.

LESSONS FROM HISTORY
If not the others, they surely should know from contemporary history that contentious issues that are not properly settled through legitimate legal means or due process and resolved instead through application of steamroller tactics, have an appalling tendency to return, sometimes with even greater ferocity, to right what is deemed as a historical wrong.

That argument can perhaps be better understood if one recalls that peace agreements such as the Versailles Treaty of 1919, based on the principle that ‘might is right’ and driven by a spirit of diktat or revenge, led to the rise of Hitler with terrible consequences for the whole world.

Super Powers, or wannabee Super Powers, must in particular be reminded of the above realities of international relations, as also that a drastic change in Nepal’s strategic or geo-political status, or tilt in one particular direction – likely to follow the abolition of the Monarchy – must sooner rather than later, set in motion countervailing forces, including external ones.

In our case, it is not difficult to foresee a looming confrontation between opposing forces, including in what is shaping to be the battle for a ‘Free Tibet’ from Nepali soil. In short: instead of sustainable peace, stability and prosperity in the country, we could now jolly well be heading in the opposite direction. When the centre collapses, it is difficult to imagine the periphery holding!

IGNORING UNIVERSAL VALUES
But, to return to the arguments proffered earlier, this commentator can only endorse Adhikari’s concluding remarks: “Eventually, those who are said to be making history should make it on the strength of self-respect and certain universal values.

“Such values – justice, equality, the rule of law, to mention the most basic – need to be protected, no matter who gains from it. It might delay the process a little, but it can surely give a clear outlet to the problem and a firm footing to the democrats.”

Another illuminating perspective was offered by Trilochan Gautam, a well-known advocate, in a recent interview to this weekly. Among other things, he argued powerfully that a constitution may only be implemented after it is formulated.

He then rightly questions: “How can only one provision of the constitution be implemented. Declaring the country a republic is only one provision of the interim constitution. The new constitution can only be implemented after it is prepared fully and ratified by the constituent assembly. It cannot be implemented in part or in pieces. The issue of declaring (a) republic by the first meeting of the constituent assembly will be illegal. If they do it, it will be coercion and imposition.”

One doesn’t have to be a legal-eagle to point out that the assumption that the diktat of the interim constitution on the issue of the Monarchy has to be scrupulously obeyed by the CA seriously undermines the concept that the elected CA is a sovereign body, that is to say, the sole master of its own rules and procedures.

Even a political science neophyte who is still wet behind his/ears can easily figure out that an Assembly specifically elected to draft a new constitution cannot, in all legitimacy, be dictated to by a defunct interim assembly composed of unelected representatives of a seven-party oligarchy.

That apart, it is a gaucherie of the highest order that, two days before the CA was convoked, proposals were been forwarded by the Maoists at a three party meeting to ‘amend’ the preamble as well as Articles 1, 4, 38, 45, 46, 138, 158 and 159 as also to scrap Article 159 (5) which gives recognition to the King.

If there is so much homework that needed to be done from just the Maoists’ perspective where was the cyclonic hurry?

As the well-known adage goes: act in haste, repent at leisure!
(mrjosse@yahoo.com )