Category: Quick comments

  • On nomination of Lokman Singh Karki as CIAA Chief Commissioner (May 5, 2013)

     The nomination of former Chief Secretary Lokman Singh Karki as CIAA Chief on May 5 is unfortunate.

    The controversy that the nomination has generated over the month itself is enough to discredit him for an appointment which expects the appointee to be a person who meets the requirements laid down by Constitutional Council Act, and qualifications set for the appointment of independent constitutional bodies. The Constitution requires any such appointee to be of “high moral character.”

    Karki was held guilty of suppressing the peoples movement-II in 2005 when he was the Chief Secretary during the direct rule of ex-King Gyanendra. The Rayamajhi Commission, which conducted a public inquiry, had charged him with suppressing the people?s movement. The then Cabinet also declared him ineligible for holding any public position in the future. However, it is not clear how these charges make him offender. This cannot be the basis for anybody to say ?no? to his appointment. It is no other but the Supreme Court itself, which refused to give continuity to its earlier stay order on the move to appoint him as it did not find any ground for it. Karki was also accused of amassing properties through illegal means during his tenure as the director general at the Department of Customs. But the charge was not proved in any court. As such, this accusation cannot be the basis against his appointment.

    Lokman Singh Karki has now become a very controversial person. Constitutionally he does not have any right to seek the appointment. However, right or wrong, his public image has seriously declined. He is no longer in a position to give ethical image to the CIAA as its chief because of the controversies involved. CIAA is an anti-graft body. It is an absolute requirement that the person who is controversial to this extent should not be appointed, because it will make the CIAA as an institution extremely vulnerable. It will also shatter the public and their faith on democracy. A large section of lawyers, civil society representatives and anti-corruption activists have taken strong exception to the proposal to appoint Karki as the head of the anti-graft body. Even if it is assumed that he is innocent, he is not a right person for the appointment.

    Knowing very clearly that Karki has lost the image that is necessary to lead the anti-graft body, the meeting of the High Level Political Mechanism – cross party panel ? should not have decided to recommend Karki to head the CIAA in the first place.

  • Apex court verdict splits legal eagles (The Kathmandu Post, April 26, 2013 P. 3)

     Advocate Bipin Adhilari defends the move, arguing that this would discourage those people who bring in PIL for a cheap publicity stunt. “PILs are brought before the court to defend the rights of the public. But we have seen that petitions are also filed for populism,” said Adhikari. He also seconded the decision to allow a single bench to hear whether a petition can be filed in the court. “The court administration looks into a petition from an administrative point of view to find out whether it meets all technical criteria. But the bench would go into its substance.”)

  • Journo told to leave courtroom for attending a hearing in a T-shirt (April 20, 2013 )

     My quick comment on the T-shirt wearing incident is that, although it was embarrassing to our colleague Ghanashyam Khadka, who is an able journalist and a cultured professional, this is perfectly in line with the prevailing court practice. As such, Justice Girish Chandra Lal was not overstepping his authority. Appropriate dress is required in the courtroom and the lawyers involved are expected to instruct clients and third parties to dress appropriately if they will be appearing in the courtroom. It is also the responsibility of the court to notify that all court proceedings are formal proceedings, and all persons entering the courtroom are expected to be dressed in clothing reasonably befitting the dignity and solemnity of the court. They are expected to be respectful of the judge, the court personnel and opposing counsel. A minimum level of formality is the court norm in all common law jurisdictions. T-shirts may not qualify as formal attire in any jurisdiction.

  • Discussion on the Role of a Government Attorney in Public Prosecutions, Nepal Constitution Foundation (May 2, 2013)

     I do not have many comments here. I think it was a pretty good discussion programme. There is one issue which I want to pinpoint before I close the discussion. Prosecutors are rarely disciplined or criminally prosecuted for their misconduct, and the victims of this misconduct are generally denied any civil remedy because of prosecutorial immunities. However, when we talk about taking action against a government attorney simply because he was not able to prove his case, it may have other impacts on the criminal justice system.

    When prosecutors act as advocates, absolute immunity applies. This is more or less the common law tradition. Under absolute immunity, prosecutors are immunized even when the plaintiff establishes that the prosecutor acted intentionally, in bad faith, and with malice. In Imbler v. Pachtman (1976), the American Supreme Court observed: “The common-law immunity of a prosecutor is based upon the same considerations that underlie the common-law immunities of judges and grand jurors acting within the scope of their duties. These include concern that harassment by unfounded litigation would cause a deflection of the prosecutor’s energies from his public duties, and the possibility that he would shade his decisions instead of exercising the independence of judgment required by his public trust.”

    However, when prosecutors act as investigators or administrators, qualified immunity applies. In the United States, Qualified immunity, when applicable, shields government officials from liability for the violation of an individual’s federal constitutional rights. This grant of immunity is available to employees performing discretionary functions where their actions, even if later found to be unlawful, did not violate clearly established law. The defense of qualified immunity was created by the U.S. Supreme Court, replacing a court’s inquiry into a defendant’s subjective state of mind with an inquiry into the objective reasonableness of the contested action. I think we need to analyze this approach more seriously in the paper. The linkages with the Nepalese laws must also be established to make the jurisprudence clear.

  • Bharatmani Jungam V. Office of the President

     Supreme Court Special Bench: Rt. Hon’ble Chief Justice Khil Raj Regmi, Hon’ble Justice Damodar Prasad Sharma, Hon’ble Justice Ram Kumar Prasad Shah, Hon’ble Justice Kalyan Shrestha, Hon’ble Justice Prem Sharma, Writ No. 68-ws-0014:

    Petition: Tenth Amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2063 be declared null and void

    Petitioner: Bharatmani Jungam, a resident of Kathmandu Metropolis Ward No. 34 of Kathmandu District & others.

    Vs

    Respondents: Office of the President & others

     Where there is a clear specification of time limit, the action thereof must be done or completed within the time limit so specified. The time period stipulated in Article 64 of the Interim Constitution for the making of a Constitution through Constituent Assembly must not be taken as a formality or a show.

     While framing the Interim Constitution, its framer had a fine speculation on the necessity of time specification in order to cause the timely promulgation of it. If this truth is undermined and attempted to draw an archaic interpretation of the original spirit of Article 64 of the constitution to mean that the right to amend constitution includes also the right to extend time period again and again by pushing the task of promulgating into uncertainty constitution into uncertainty shall go against the mandate given by the people. It is also unreasonable through the view point of the constitutional jurisprudence to unusually extend its time period by the Constituent Assembly itself so as to create a limitless and uncertain situation.

     It is in fact a legitimate expectation of people to be assured in the timely making of the constitution when the Constituent Assembly itself has announced the work plan and time schedule of bringing the constitution in order to satisfy the just expectations of the people. Any agency which is bestowed with a historical liability of making constitution is bound to respect such legitimate expectation of the people and become responsible to fulfill the pledges accordingly. If it fails to fulfill its responsibility within the time frame so prescribed and extends time limit again and again on its own accord this trend not only develops a situation of uncertainty and dilemma but also raises question in the legitimacy of its work. One of the key features of democratic rule is to provide also a government accountable to the people in such a rule, the pledges made before the people are required to be fulfilled. In the failure of which people shall have right to ask the reason why ? In this it will be wise to take and perceive the present writ petition as part of seeking the reply of that accountability.

     The respondent agencies are found reluctant and differed to fully capitalize the intent of the constitutional interpretations made in the decisions with clear expression and called for demonstrating their worthiness. Although both the earlier writs were vacated, however, there were made elaborative discussions on the legitimacy of the amendment of Article 64 and defined doctrine of necessity including the time limitations and are based on clear justification of the fact auxiliary to it. No serious attention was found paid on the reasoned proposition made by this court and the judicial viewpoints expressed in them. In such a situation, a conclusion derived only taking their vacation as threshold cannot be held as worthiness to claim that the frequent amendments in Article 64 is recognized and given validity.

     It is worthless to repeatedly mention that the only duty of CA is to make constitution. The mere echoing of such a gospel time and again will not help to reach a meaningful conclusion. It is equally unwise to neglect Article 64 and state that the tenure of the CA will be terminated only after the CA makes constitution and brings into operation. In fact, the intention of Article 82 is not to prolong the time period and make it uncertain by effecting frequent amendments in Article 64 nor such rationality of extending the CA term up to the unknown future will be logical.

     It is not a judicially manageable subject about whether to form a new CA in pursuant to Article 63 of the Interim Constitution, 2063 resorting on the fact that the making of constitution is not possible by the existing CA or give it continuity and ratify the commitment it may make for writing a constitution within a fixed time period by conducting referendum or think about other options available to the people to ensure their right of making a new constitution. Since it is purely a political issue, the solution thereof must be sought by the political level remaining within the boundary of constitutional framework, not going beyond it.

     There is likely to be created a situation of looming suspicion and doubt among Nepali people about whether the issues associated with democracy, peace , prosperity and the major economic and social changes also may fall into the crisis of overall problems to be furthered along with the continuation of transitional period . To free the people from such a fear, there is no option available to the court for now other than giving assurance of coming new constitution through the existing CA itself. This court is not also in favor of making an attitude of continuing such an agency forever as universal and option less which cannot fulfill its major responsibility of bringing a constitution till the uncertain future. Any agency or body created under the constitution by assigning certain duties and responsibilities will have also a fixed reasonable time limit and duration, the present Constituent Assembly also cannot be an exception to it.

     Any individual or institution liable to discharge the assigned duties and responsibilities when fails to do so by his incapacity or due to arising a situation beyond control is referred to as a circumstance beyond control. It is the very intent of the doctrine of necessity. If such a situation cannot be neglected or avoided and it compels to take a decision and if such a decision would not have been lawful even in a normal situation and the reasonableness and legality of occurrence of such a condition is when substantiated by the time and situation, the doctrine of necessity could be attracted. Provided that, the doctrine of necessity cannot be applied in concealing one’s own fault, inaction and the problems created by one.

     It does not shove to any lively organization to take the doctrine of necessity as tool of defense for ones own miscreants. The constitution always hopes the positive response and liveliness on its and its components doings. The constitution is such a lively instrument which bears the capacity of operating the whole state mechanism actively and dynamically even when there are possibilities of arriving multifold of obstacles, a hardships and difficulties across the life of the nation. So a constitution does not imagine a situation of lifelessness of the state which impairs the whole process by considering the one and the same problem as the never ending one.

     The aspirations of Nepalese people to bring about a new constitution through the Constituent Assembly, the fund consumed by the state to date after the initiation of constitution making process and to secure the achievement CA has accomplished up to now in course of drafting the constitution are the most significant constitutional responsibilities to be carried out by this court. It is natural to expect that all possible efforts will be made to promulgate the constitution within the time period extended by the tenth amendment. In otherwise condition, it will be more appropriate and justifiable to provide the last opportunity to the present CA if it needed the additional time period in order for the completion of remaining works and bring about the constitution.

    Decision

    Khil Raj Regmi,C.J: The facts in brief and the particulars of the order made on the present writ petition filed in this court pursuant to Article 32 and Article 107(1) and (2) of the Constitution seeking nullification of the truth amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063 made on 2068/5/14 since it is in contravention to the provisions enshrined in the constitution, is as follows:

    Article 64 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063 has provided for the tenure of the Constituent Assembly. Except when the CA passed a resolution for its premature dissolution, the tenure of the CA will of two years from the date of convening its first meeting. In regard to such provision, the Supreme Court has given opinion in writ No.0056 dated 2068/2/11. In this, it is argued that the term of the CA should be maximum of 2 years and in special circumstance, or when there exists an emergency period in the country, it may be extended not exceeding 6 months. From above proposition it is clear that the tenure of CA will be not more than 2 years and additional 6 months only in view of the doctrine of necessity. The respondents were obliged to take that decision into account as a guideline but in contrary they caused 3 months extension on 2068/2/14 unethically. We the petitioners had made complain against such act of the respondents through Writ No.0071. The opinions expressed in the earlier decisions were sustained also in this writ petition. In such a situation, a notification published in Nepal Gazette Vol.61, Supplementary Issue 21, dated 2068/5/14 so as to extend additional 3 months term of the CA. Since the tenth amendment to the constitution effected as per that notification is illegal and contrary to the law, we are here with this writ petition with a plea that such an act of the respondents be invalidated.

    Until before the eighth and ninth amendments to the constitution, there was a clear provision that the tenure of the CA will be of 2 years. The writ petitions filed with this court in connection with those amendments were clearly outlined about the term of CA. At that time even if those amendments were not declared invalid, though were not recognized lawful as usual. In such a situation, again there effected the tenth amendment, therefore, such an act should be the subject of judicial review. Article 148 provides for the amendments to the constitution. While affecting the eighth, ninth and tenth amendments, the said Article are found ignored. Likewise, Article 64 provides for the manner about how to make changes in the term of CA is as prescribed under the same Article. In case the constitution did not come into force within the stipulated time, there may ipso facto rise a political question about which the preamble of the constitution suggests that the only way out of the problem is to go into the periodic election. In such a situation the act of frequent extension of time limit about which the Article 64 clearly specifies shall be ipso facto void in the eyes of law.

    The trend of extending time period once and again in this way and the relative progress in relation to making the constitution is if not achieved within the time period so extended, such an act will hinder the making of constitution till the uncertain future. In that course, there has been the gross misuse also of the doctrine of necessity. The doctrine of necessity should not become the reason for making the Article 64 inoperative. If the representatives sent by the people failed to accomplish their mission within the prescribed time period and the expectations of the people were not met, the inherent right of people to select new and qualified representatives should be honored, and for this and in such a situation the election will be the only way out for receiving the fresh mandate. The mandate given by the people through election is only for 2 years which was speculated also by the maker of the Constitution. Therefore, no time period other than what the people decide could be extended.

    Now therefore, the tenth amendment to the constitution is fully unconstitutional and illegal on the basis of the ground mentioned above and also on the basis of the opinion expressed by this court in the decision made upon Writ No.0056 and 0071. It is against also the spirit of the preamble and the Articles 2, 13, 32, 63, 64, 83, 85 and 148 and involves serious constitutional and legal issue of public right and interest. So it requires an order of prohibition, certiorari or any other order as it may deem appropriate to be issued in pursuant to Article 1, 32, 107(1) and (2) and be declared invalid the tenth amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2067 published in Nepal Gazatte part 61, Supplementary Issue V declared invalid from the very date of its commencement.

    Moreover, an interim order also is hereby requested to be issued in the names of respondents Prime Minster and the speaker of the House prohibiting them to register any bill in the Parliament so as to cause any change or alteration in the wordings and phrases contained in Article 64 of the constitution until this writ petition is finally disposed of. The petitioner, in petition also requests to be given priority in the hearing since it involves a complex constitutional question and asks to have the date of hearing fixed.

    The single bench of this court orders on 2068/6/5 requiring the respondents to submit their written reply in writing with explanation about how this situation arrived ? Why the orders as sought by the petitioner need not to be issued? If there exists any reason or ground for not issuing the order, submit a reply thereof in writing through the office of the Attorney General within 15 days of receiving this notice of the order. The respondents be sent also a copy of the writ petition each along with the notice and notify the matter thereof to the office of the Attorney General by fixing the date of 2068/7/1 so as to present the case for hearing. Similarly, inform Nepal Bar Association and the Supreme Court Bar Association for representation of 3 senior advocates or advocates each to assist the court (amicus curie). The earlier decisions made by this court in this connection also be accompanied with this case file. Write the concerned Bar Association to inform those legal practitioners desirous of submitting written plea prior to the date of hearing and let know to the concerned legal practitioners about the same.

    The constitutional as well as the legal questions raised by the petitioners in this writ petition have already been answered by the full bench of the Supreme Court through the writ Nos. 066-ws-0057 and 067-ws- 0071 filed by these petitioners in regard to the eighth and the ninth amendments to Interim Constitution of Nepal. So there exists no reason and justification in filing the present writ petition again raising the same question challenging the act of extending the CA term for 3 years and 6 months by the tenth amendment. In paragraph 12 of the petition, the petitioners have made a claim that the Supreme Court has not given validity to the eighth and the ninth amendments. This fact is not supported by the order made by the Supreme Court. The court, in reference to writ No. 0066-ws-0056 has reasoned the vacation of the writ on the ground that the time period extended by the eighth amendment has already been terminated whereas in reference to writ No.067-ws-0071, the court denies the claim on the ground of doctrine of necessity and thus legalized both the amendments on that ground. The claim of the writ petitioners therefore appears baseless and extravagant.

    The concern shown seriously in writ petition about the need of timely bringing of the constitution as mandated by the people is praiseworthy. The CA had developed a work schedule (time table) on 1st Marga, 2065 and commitment shown in completing the writing of constitution within the period stipulated in Article 64 and has been working accordingly. Despite such efforts, the mission could not be accomplished within the time frame which compelled for extending the time period up to 3 years. This is the ground reality witnessed by all concerned.

    The task of writing constitution was in progress giving due vigil to the limitations fixed by the CA Rules and allowed by the time table. In that course of action, there formed 40 teams from among the total member of the law-makers and assigned to all the 240 constituents of the country to conduct opinion poll of the people through questionnaire for a period ranging from 2065/11/16 and 2065/12/9 which could be taken this as a historical achievement. All the subject committees and the constitution committee, working under their respective frame works for a period between 2066/2/9 and 2066/10/20 prepared the concept paper on the future constitution and a preliminary draft report thereof and, submitted to the CA and had held discussions over the report of each committee allocating to each paper a 30 hours deliberation. The CA gave nod to the report of the committee on natural resources, the economic right and revenue allocation, determination of the structure of the constitutional bodies and the protection of right of minority and marginalized community and has sent to the constitutional committee on 11th Magh, 2066, 19th Falgun and 21st Chaitra, respectively in order to prepare the first integrated draft. The task of preparing the first draft of the constitution had began from the month of Falgun 2066 by preparing a preliminary frame work of the future constitution enclosing with the preliminary draft of the committee received after their approval from the CA which was divided in 27 parts along with other collateral facts (basic elements) to be contained in the constitution together with the preamble and schedule. The said business is still in progress. Because of the collision of facts such as, duplication, contradiction, omission and to overcome the unresolved and disputing report of the various subjects committees, a 15-memberd concept paper and preliminary drafting report study committee was formed by the 29th meeting of CA held in 2066/2/13 to finalize those misgivings through consensus and to integrate them in one and give final shape. The said committee completed the study of report of all the subject committees and submitted the final report of the committee on 2067/6/14 to the chairman of the CA along with 210 questionnaires unable to be settled by it. In order to reach a political consensus over those unresolved questionnaires there held a meeting of all parliamentary party leaders representing in CA in the move of the chairman of CA and reached consensus on 132 unresolved issues, between 2067/6/19 and 2067/8/26.

    This process of constitution making suffered many times from the incidents occurred outside the CA. Because of frequent government reshuffle and the failure of peace process to reach a meaningful conclusion in time as expected which has very close relation with the making of the constitution caused obstruction in the writing of constitution, time and again. These are the reasons why the writing of constitution did not completed within the time period hoped by the people and thus needed extension of CA term. After making one year extension in CA term by the eighth amendment on 14th Jestha, 2067 and accomplish the mission within the time frame, it involved heavily in that job with necessary alternations in its work schedule for 11th time. Many issues resolved during this period and in 78 issues related with the report of the 7 committees and 78 issues related with state restructuring, the constitutional committee itself shall prepare the first draft by bringing consensus on its own. If no consensus reached on any issue, it shall be presented to the CA for decision. In this way, the reports of the 7 committees and report related with state restructuring have been forwarded to the constitutional committee on 2067/10/12 and 2067/12/3, respectively. This is the reality. The constitutional committee has formed a Dispute Resolution Sub-committee on 2067/11/13 consisting of the top leaders of the major parties to hold discussion and reach consensus on the unresolved issues and coming up to 2068/2/14, there has reached consensus on 53 issues out of 78 issues related with the 7 committees and only 25 issues were remained to be overcome. The other 78 issues related with restructuring were required to have obtained the opinion of the experts and reach conclusion about which the discussion was holding on.

    In this manner, the CA has been successful in preparing the significant base for a demarcating constitution and the disputes also were relatively narrowing down. It was ready in preparing the first draft of the constitution by resolving the remaining issues so as to be completed after collecting the opinion and advice of the sovereign Nepali people. It was the most needed thing of the hour and so compelling to effect the 9th amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063 which the legislature- parliament by did extending the tenure of the CA by 3 months. Within the period of this extension there held the 9 consecutive meetings of the Dispute Resolution sub-committee under constitutional committee. These meetings reached consensus on 3 issues whereas the 78 issues related with state restructuring narrowed down to 25. Now there are only 47 issues left to be settled by the Dispute Resolution Sub-committee and then immediately the first draft of the constitution will come out and the tens of years of long awaited aspiration of Nepali people to make a constitution through representatives elected by themselves will be fulfilled. This being the main reason and ground of the doctrine of necessity, I, most respectfully request to this revered court that the Legislature parliament has made the tenth amendments to the Interim Constitution of Nepal and extended the tenure of CA by 3 months. There is no apparent reason for not coming out the constitution. Now the constitutional committee has been working in preparing the draft of all the subject matters so far resolved and includes it in the frame of the first draft of the constitution.

    There is no dispute on the fact that the main objective of the Interim Constitution of Nepal is to make a constitution through Constituent Assembly. It is clearly manifested by the facts mentioned in various paragraphs above that the CA is heavily, involved in this task. The Interim Constitution does not provide for the fresh election of the CA if the CA formed after the first election fails to bring about the constitution. It is compulsory to make amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063 also to form another Constituent Assembly as complained of by the petitioners because for taking a fresh mandate there needs to held election for which the political powers existing in Legislature – parliament are required to be consented to add such provision in the constitution. It is a political issue whether or not to opt for such a risk and this should be concluded only through the political level. If there exists any possibility of political consensus – making the peace process reaching near to end into meaningful conclusion and standing on the achievements so far accomplished by the CA, there appears a clear ground for bringing about a democratic constitution. For this the political powers and Constituent Assembly also are found committed. Against such background, it is thought more relevant also to the political view point to make the constitution by this very CA. To forge political consensus towards reaching the nearly completing process to the conclusion will preserve the best interest of the people. The Legislature-parliament,while effecting tenth amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063, has fully respected the intent and spirit of the order made by this revered court on 2068/2/11 and 2068/5/11, respectively, and, the 3 months extension of the term of CA was motivated with the legitimate objective of performing the task of making constitution as per the mandate given by the people which is consonant also with the doctrine of the necessity. Hence, no order as sought in the petition seems necessary to be issued. The writ petition is requested to be quashed. These were the contents of the written reply submitted separately by the CA secretariat and the speaker of the Parliament, with similar version.

    The petitioners in their petitions are unable to clearly mention the reason about how and by what action or the decision of the Office of the Prime Minister or the Council of Ministers have been unconstitutional. While making claim of judicial review of any action or decision referring it as unconstitutional, the reason thereof must explicitly be mentioned and require to furnish the proof and evidences with the petition to substantiate the claim. In the lack of such evidences, the mere claim will not deserve any value. The present writ petition lacks those requirements. Hence no order could be issued as demanded and the writ petition is requested to be quashed.

    The Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063 was adopted with the objective of making a new constitution through the Constituent Assembly and is also a provisional instrument for operating the state affairs during interim period until the new constitution comes into force. Since the Constituent Assembly is a basic structure within the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063, without Constituent Assembly we cannot just imagine the existence of Interim Constitution, 2063. Though Article 64 provides for the tenure of Constituent Assembly, in Article 82 there is a provision of ending the purpose of Constituent Assembly only from the date of commencement of the Constitution adopted by the Constituent Assembly. In addition to this, the provision contained in Article 64 cannot be taken as amendable since Article 148(1) provides for a condition.

  • Towards Demarcation of Provincial Borders

     One of the issues that have been left for the parliament, the transformed Constituent Assembly, is the issue of demarcation of provincial borders. It is very clear that the four major parties in the constitutional coalition were not able to sort out their differences on this issue. And so they gave up and tried to agree on the less problematic issues.

    The decision to establish eight provinces was a great achievement. Both the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML) had a conservative position in terms of fixing the number of provinces, while the UCPN wanted the number to go up to 11, if not 14, and even more, if that came as a solution. Striking out agreement on demarcation was something that they didn’t even venture to go into in the final and painstaking negotiation process. It was too daunting for the Maoists to go by the NC and the UML standards. However, this lacuna in the compromise draft has led to many stakeholders overlooking many good things that the draft constitution has brought forward. A couple of parties in the opposition, though they are not broad based at the moment, have raised their voices against this shortcoming in the federalization plan. However, it is possible to try out the demarcation once again while the country is deliberating about the draft constitution.

    Many leaders in the major political parties have shared their feelings in this regard. Even Maoists leaders have ventilated that compromise solutions now would be better than leaving it to the transformed parliament. Additionally, President Ram Baran Yadav, who received different delegations of the smaller parties recently, has also advised four major political parties to promulgate the new constitution only after the delineation of provinces, this being the key demand of the leaders from Madhesi and Janajati constituencies. There is no harm in embarking on this issue once again. In fact, I am for it.

    Everybody knows that it is better to have an opportunity that is certain than having one that is worth more but is uncertain. There is an environment for moderation. Is it not the same thing when one said a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush. If this mentality prevails, even naming of the provinces would not be impossible in the next two months.

  • संविधान मस्यौदामा सार्वजनिक सहभागिताः राज्यहरुको बीच तुलनात्मक अभ्यास

     vयो लेखोटको प्रमुख उद्देश्य संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा तुलनात्मक राज्य अभ्यासहरुमा सार्वजनिक सहभागितालाई सहज बनाउने तरिकाहरुको पहिचान तथा विश्लेषण गर्नु हो ।

    सार्वजनिक सहभागिता कुनै राज्यले शासनमा वैधानिकता तथा संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा नागरिकहरुको संलग्नतालाई उत्साहित गर्ने माध्यम हो । विशेष गरी यो प्रक्रियामा सार्वजनिक शिक्षण तथा सार्वजनिक परामर्श गरी दुई चरणहरु हुन्छन् । सार्वजनिक शिक्षणको अवधिमा सरकारले नागरिकहरुलाई संविधान, संवैधानिक प्रक्रियाहरु तथा सार्वजनिक परामर्श गर्ने प्रयासहरुमा उनीहरुले कसरी सहभागिता गर्न सक्दछन् भन्ने सम्बन्धमा शिक्षण गराउन खोज्दछन् । सार्वजनिक परामर्श प्रदान गर्ने अवधिमा सरकारले संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुमा राज्यव्यापी रुपमा संवाद गर्नलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्दछ । यसो गर्दा जनताबाट प्रतिक्रिया -फिडव्याक) माग गरिन्छ । त्यसपछि त्यस्ता आलोचनाहरुलाई परिष्कृत गरि संविधानमा समावेश गराउने गरिन्छ ।

    जनतालाई शिक्षित तुल्याउन गरिने कार्यक्रमका रुपहरु सामुदायिक बैठक, कार्यशाला, गोष्ठी, रेडियो तथा टेलिभिजन कार्यक्रमहरु, टेलिफोन हटलाईन, इमेल, वेवसाइटहरु, गीत तथा कविता, नाटक, कार्टुन, ˆलायर, पर्चा तथा न्युजलेटरहरु हुन सक्छन् । जनतासमक्ष पेश गरिएका संसूचनाहरुलाई राज्यभित्र भएसम्मका भाषाहरुमा अनुवाद गर्नुबाट त्यस्तो सञ्चार सामाग्रीहरु जनताको एउटा ठुलो प्रतिशतमा पुग्न पाउाछ । त्यसैगरी पि्रन्ट मिडियामा भर पर्नुको साथसाथै सञ्चारका छापारहित स्वरुपहरुबाट संसूचनाहरु प्रदान गर्नुले समाजका असाक्षर समूहहरुमा तिनको वितरणलाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्दछ ।

    सार्वजनिक बैठकहरुले शैक्षिक प्ल्याटर्फमका साथसाथै संविधानका सम्बन्धमा सार्वजनिक फिडव्याक जम्मा गर्ने बलियो माध्यम दुवैको रुपमा काम गर्न सक्दछ । राज्यले लिखित अनुरोध, सार्वजनिक बैठकमा दिइएको मौखिक भनाइहरु तथा प्रमुख संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुमा दिइएको प्रश्नावलीकै रुपमा जनताबाट उनीहरुको इन्पुट प्राप्त गर्नुलाई उपयोगी मान्न सक्दछ । सार्वजनिक आलोचनाहरुलाई प्रस्तुत गर्ने सामाग्री सम्बन्धी आाकडाहरु -डेटावेस) ले जनताका दृष्टिकोणहरुलाई सक्षमतापूर्वक विचार गर्न तथा समाहित गर्न संवैधानिक मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायलाई सहयोग गर्न सक्छ । जनताको यो सामान्य सोचाई कि संविधान मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायले उनीहरुलाई आˆनो कार्यविधिमा पर्याप्त रुपमा समावेश गर्‍यो भन्ने कुराले जनताको संविधानप्रतिको स्वामित्व सम्बन्धी सोचाई तथा सो का लागि उनीहरुको समर्थन दुवैलाई वृद्धि गर्दछ ।

    टेलिभिजन तथा रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरु

    टेलिभिजन तथा रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरु संविधान तथा संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुमा जनतालाई सूचित गर्ने दह्रो माध्यमका रुपमा प्रयोग हुन सक्दछन् । संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा आˆना सम्बन्धित जनतालाई शिक्षित गर्न तथा संलग्न गराउन धेरै राज्यहरुले कार्यक्रम बनाएर विभिन्न समय तथा पि|mक्वेन्सीहरुमा प्रसारण गर्ने गर्दछ । खासगरी रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरु ग्रामिण जनसंख्यालाई जोसाग पहुाच गर्न गाह्रो हुन्छ, तिनीहरुसम्म सक्षमतापूर्वक पुग्नका लागि प्रभावशाली हुन्छ । यस्ता सञ्चारका स्वरुपहरु राज्यका जनताको ठुलो भागमा पुग्न सक्छन् तथा राज्यले राज्यभरि नै प्रयोग हुने सबै भाषाहरुमा अनुवाद गर्दै प्रस्तुत गरेर त्यस्ता सूचनाहरु माथिको पहाुचलाई वृद्धि गर्न सक्छ ।

    संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा रेडियो तथा टेलिभिजनले जनतामाझ सूचनाहरु सञ्चार गर्ने प्रभावशाली माध्यमको रुपमा काम गर्न सक्छ । खासगरी असाक्षरता बढी हुने अवस्थामा यो बढी प्रभावकारी माध्यम हुन्छ । विशेषगरी यदाकदा वा कहिलेकाहिा दिइने कार्यक्रमको विपरित नियमित रुपमा टेलिभिजन तथा रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरुको व्यवस्था गर्नु बढी लाभदायी हुन्छ । नियमित कार्यक्रमहरुले दर्शक वा श्रोताको संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुप्रति बफादारिता तथा संलग्नताको विकास गर्दछ । त्यस्ता कार्यक्रमहरु लोकपि्रय हुन सक्छन् तथा संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा संवाद तथा सार्वजनिक सल्लाह तथा सुझाव प्रदान गर्न उत्पे्ररक बन्दछ । त्यस्ता कार्यक्रमहरुलाई व्यवहारिक रुपमा सम्भव भएसम्म विभिन्न सम्बद्ध भाषाहरुमा अनुवाद गर्नाले संसूचना प्राप्त गर्ने जनताहरुको क्षेत्रलाई फराकिलो पार्दछ तथा अझ बढी समावेशी मस्यौदा प्रक्रियाप्रति राज्यको कटिबद्धतालाई प्रदर्शन गर्दछ ।

    न्युजलेटर, नाटक तथा अन्य तरिकाहरु

    टेलिभिजन तथा रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरुका अतिरिक्त राज्यले संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा जनताका सदस्यहरुलाई संलग्न गराउने अन्य तरिकाहरुको पनि उपयोग गर्न सक्दछ । त्यस्ता तरिकाहरुमा टेलिफोन हटलाईन, इमेल, वेवसाइट, गीत र कविताहरु, नाटकहरु, कार्टुन, ˆलायर, पर्चा तथा न्युजलेटर आदि पर्न सक्दछन् । जनताको असाक्षर भागसम्म पुग्नका लागि संसूचनाहरु प्रदान गर्न राज्यले छापारहित सञ्चार माध्यमहरुको प्रयोग गर्नु लाभदायक पाउन सक्दछ ।

    रेडियो जस्तै सञ्चारको अन्य स्वरुपहरु पनि राज्यलाई जनताको असाक्षर समूहहरु सम्म पुग्न, त्यस्तो जनसंख्याको संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा सहभागितालाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्न अति महत्वपूर्ण सावित हुन सक्छन् । समयले दिएसम्म संसूचनाहरुलाई स्रोतका रुपमा राज्यमा बोलिने सकेसम्म धेरै भाषाहरुमा अनुवाद गर्नु यसका लागि महत्वपूर्ण हुन्छ । बृहत रुपमा अनुवाद गर्नाले जनताको ठुलो अनुपातलाई संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा पहाुच सम्भव हुन्छ तथा अर्थपूर्ण सहभागितालाई सहयोग पुग्दछ । ध्यान आकर्षण गर्न सक्ने खालका शब्दावलीहरु तथा नाराहरु सहित रचनात्मक विज्ञापन अभियानको प्रारम्भले यो प्रक्रियामा सार्वजनिक रुचि तथा संलग्नतालाई प्रस्फुटन गर्न सक्दछ । त्यस्तै सार्वजनिक सहभागिताका लागि अपनाइने तरिकाहरुको व्ययभार राज्यको आफ्नै कोषबाट लगानी भएमा जनसहभागिताबाट आएको संविधान प्रति जनतामा स्वामित्वको भावना बढी नै जागृत गराउाछ ।

    सार्वजनिक बैठकहरु

    संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा राज्यभरी विभिन्न बैठकहरुको श्रृंखला सञ्चालन नागरिकहरुको सहभागितालाई सहज बनाउने प्रभावशाली उपाय हुनसक्छ । सार्वजनिक बैठकहरु, शैक्षिक मञ्च तथा संविधान सम्बन्धमा पृष्ठपोषण -फिडव्याक) प्राप्त गर्ने प्रभावशाली माध्यम दुवै अर्थमा काम गर्न सक्दछ । कुनै राज्यले क्षेत्र अनुसार त्यस्ता बैठकहरु विशेष विषयहरुमा गर्नसक्छ वा तिनलाई सामान्य विषयवस्तुका रुपमा नै छलफल गराउन सक्छ । जसरी गरेपनि राज्यले त्यस्ता सार्वजनिक कार्यक्रममा व्यापक प्रतिनिधित्व प्रवर्द्धन गर्नु लाभदायक हुन सक्छ । यसबाट राज्यले स्वतन्त्र तथा व्यापक सहभागिता हुन दिइरहेको छैन भन्ने सोचाइलाई पन्छाउन सकिन्छ ।

    राज्यले सार्वजनिक बैठकहरु जस्तै सार्वजनिक सहभागितालाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्ने संयन्त्रहरुमार्फत सम्भव भएसम्म संसूचनाहरुको स्वतन्त्र वितरणलाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्ने कदमहरु चाल्नु उपयोगी पाउन सक्छ । यसमा व्यवहारिक रुपमा सम्भव भएसम्म संसूचनाहरुको बैकल्पिक स्रोतहरुलाई प्राप्त गराउने कार्य पनि पर्दछ । यसले जनतालाई संसूचित दृष्टिकोणहरु बनाउनलाई शिक्षित फिडव्याक प्रदान गर्न सक्षम बनाउाछ तथा राजनैतिक दलहरुले ती प्रक्रियाहरुलाई घुमाउन वा दबाउन खोज्दैछन् भन्ने विचारलाई प्रतिकार गर्दछ ।

    त्यसैगरी राज्यले ती सार्वजनिक बैठकहरुमा बढीभन्दा बढी प्रतिनिधित्व गर्नलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्नु उपयोगी देख्न सक्दछ । केवल केही समूहहरुलाई मात्र सहभागी गराउने अनुमति दिनु, खासगरी त्यस्ता समुहहरु जसले सत्तामा कायम रहेको सरकारलाई समर्थन गर्दछ, ले राज्यले संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रिया तथा त्यसबाट आउने संविधानको वैधतालाई न्युनीकरण गरेको हुनजान्छ । जनताका सबै सदस्यहरुका लागि खुल्ला राज्यभरि विभिन्न सार्वजनिक बैठकहरु गरेर राज्यले स्वतन्त्र, व्यापक सहभागितायुक्त वातावरण प्रदान गरेन भन्ने भनाइलाई रोक्न सकिन्छ ।

    आलोचना प्राप्त गर्ने

    मस्यौदा संविधानमा जनताको आलोचना माग गर्नाले जनतालाई संविधान मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायलाई फिडव्याक प्रदान गर्न सम्भव हुन्छ । यसबाट अर्को मस्यौदामा वा संविधानको अन्तिम मस्यौदामा मूल्याङ्गन र संश्लेषण गर्न सकिन्छ । जनतालाई यो तरिकाले समावेश गर्नाले संविधानउपर जनतामा स्वामित्वको भावना जागृत गर्दर्छ । जसले उक्त दस्तावेज तथा सरकारप्रति जनताको लोकपि्रयतालाई बढाउाछ । राज्यले लिखित भनाइहरु लिने, सार्वजनिक बैठकहरुमार्फत मौखिक भनाइहरु प्राप्त गर्ने वा जनताले विशेष गरि महत्वपूर्ण ठानेका संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुको पहिचान गर्नका लागि अर्थपूर्ण प्रश्नावली बनाउन सक्छ ।

    राज्यले पारदर्शिता र वैधानिकतालाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्नको लागि जनतालाई मस्यौदा संविधानका प्रावधानहरुमा सहभागी हुन मात्र नभई उक्त मस्यौदा जारी गर्ने कार्यमा पनि सहभागी हुन दिन्छ । यो महत्वपूर्ण अवस्थामा जनताको सल्लाह तथा सुझाव मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा प्राप्त गर्न दिनुले अर्थपूर्ण रुपमा उनीहरुको आफ्नो शासन व्यवस्थाको रुपरेखा श्रृजना गर्ने कार्यमा उनीहरुले सहभागिता पाए भन्ने भावना जनतालाई दिन्छ । यस अवस्थामा सहभागिता नदिइकन जनतालाई अलग्याउनुले जनतालाई आफ्नो शक्ति पुनः दावी गर्ने उत्पे्ररणा दिन्छ । यसका लागि उनीहरुलाई प्राप्त एउटा मात्र देखिएको उपाय जनमत संग्रहको अवस्थामा सम्पूर्ण संविधानलाई अस्वीकार गर्ने वा यसको कार्यान्वयनमा बाधाविरोध गर्नु हुन जान्छ । दुवै निष्कर्षले राज्यमा अस्थिरता पैदा गर्दछ, खास गरी द्वन्द्वबाट निस्कादै गरेको मुलुकमा अस्थिरतालाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्दछ ।

    संवैधानिक मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा सार्वजनिक सहभागिताका परिणामहरु

    सम्भावित वैधानिकताको कसीमा सफल संवैधानिक मस्यौदा प्रक्रियाको एउटा महत्वपूर्ण अवयव हो सार्वजनिक परामर्श तथा सहभागिताको स्तर । सामान्यतया जनताले निष्ठापूर्वक गरिएको सहभागिताको प्रक्रियामार्फत बनाइएको संविधानलाई स्वीकार गर्ने बढी सम्भावना हुन्छ । यद्यपि अन्तिम संविधानले बृहत रुपमा त्यस्तो जनताले गरेको टिप्पणीहरुलाई प्रतिविम्वित गरेको छैन भने पनि यो भनाई ठीक देखिन्छ । रुवाण्डाको संविधानले जनताबाट पाएको सललाह तथा सुझावलाई समावेश गरेन तापनि सार्वजनिक सहभागिता प्रदान गर्ने विभिन्न प्रकारका संयन्त्रहरुको कारण रुवाण्डावासीमा संविधानप्रति एउटा उच्च स्तरको सम्मान देखिन्छ । वैकल्पिक रुपमा नाइजेरियाका जनताको नाइजेरियाको सन् १९८९ को संविधानप्रति धेरै नकारात्मक सोचाइ रहे । यसको कारण सार्वजनिक सहभागिताको अर्थपूर्ण स्वरुपहरुको अभाव तथा यसलाई सैनिक शासनको निरन्तरताको रुपमा हेरिनु थियो ।

    सार्वजनिक शिक्षण तथा परामर्शका लागि पर्याप्त समय प्रदान गर्न असफल हुनुले प्रक्रियामा मनसायपूर्वक बहिष्करणका सोचाइहरु देखा पर्दछ तथा मस्यौदा प्रक्रियाको उत्पादनमा विपरित सोच देखा पर्छ । वास्तवमा त्यस्तो सोचिएको होस् वा वास्तविक बहिष्करणले जनमत संग्रहका बेला वा संविधानको कार्यान्वयनको अवस्थामा जनताले सोझै अस्वीकार गर्न सक्ने तर्फ लैजान्छ ।

    यसका अतिरिक्त जनताका टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई सावधानीपूर्वक संगठित तथा संग्रह गर्ने कार्यले संविधान मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायबाट संसूचनाहरुको दक्ष प्रयोग तथा समावेशीकरणलाई सहज बनाउन सक्छ । अपर्याप्त क्षमता हुनु वा यो संसूचनाहरुलाई अर्थपूर्ण रुपमा सामेल गर्न अपर्याप्त तरिकाका कारण मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायलाई संविधानको अन्तिम पाठमा त्यस्ता टिकाटिप्पणीहरु समाहित गर्न मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायलाई रोक्दछ । जसले जनतालाई नयाा संविधानप्रतिको असन्तुष्टितर्फ डोर्‍याउाछ । यसका विपरित जनताबाट आएका टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई दक्षतापूर्वक सम्मिलन तथा परिमार्जन गर्दा दुवैले संविधानमा त्यस्ता टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई समाहित गर्न प्रवर्द्धन गर्दछ तथा जनतामा संविधानप्रतिको स्वामित्व प्रति विश्वास पैदा गर्दछ ।

    निष्कर्ष

    संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा जनसहभागिताले उक्त प्रक्रियाबाट निर्माण हुन संविधानप्रतिको वैधानिकताको सोचाइ तथा त्यसको अनुमोदनलाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्दछ । राज्यले यस प्रक्रियामा सहभागिताको प्रवर्द्धन गर्न विभिन्न प्रकारको उपयुक्त तरिका छनोट गर्न सक्दछ । खासगरी राज्यले टेलिभिजन तथा रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरु, गीत, नाटक, न्युजलेटरजस्ता प्रक्रियालाई प्रयोग गरी जनतालाई शिक्षित गर्न तथा संलग्न गराउन सक्दछ । सार्वजनिक बैठकहरु शैक्षिक मञ्चका रुपमा उपयोगी हुन सक्छन् । यो संविधानका सम्बन्धमा सार्वजनिक सल्लाह तथा सुझाव प्राप्त गर्ने प्रभावशाली संयन्त्र हुन सक्छ । राज्यले विभिन्न तरिकाले सार्वजनिक सल्लाह तथा सुझाव प्राप्त गर्न सक्छ तथा आफूले प्राप्त गरेको टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई संविधानमा समावेश गर्न सक्दछ । यसबाट त्यसरी बनाइएको दस्तावेज अन्तर्गतका शासकीय बनोटको वैधानिकता तथा त्यसप्रतिको विश्वासको प्रवर्द्धन हुन्छ ।

  • संविधान मस्यौदामा सार्वजनिक सहभागिताः दक्षिण अफ्रीकाको अभ्यास

     रंगभेदलाई पछाडि छाड्दै अगाडि बढ्दै गरेको मुलुक दक्षिण अफ्रीकाले सन् १९९६ को संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा जनताको सहभागितालाई वृद्धि गर्ने कार्यमा जटिलताहरुको सामना गर्नुपर्‍यो । त्यसो भएपनि दक्षिण अफ्रीकाले एउटा सफल सार्वजनिक सहभागिताको प्रक्रिया लागु गर्न सक्यो । यसलाई पर्यवेक्षकहरुले रंगभेदको जमानाको स्वेच्छाचारी नीतिहरुबाट सही रुपको प्रजातान्त्रिक समाजको कामकारबाही तर्फको संक्रमणकालिन प्रक्रियामा जाादा कठिन -क्रुसियल) भए पनि प्रशंसा गरे । दक्षिण अफ्रीकाले जनतालाई संविधान निर्माणको प्रक्रियामा संलग्न गराउन विभिन्न तरिकाहरुको प्रयोग गर्‍यो । यसमा राज्यव्यापी मिडिया अभियान पनि पर्दथ्यो । यसलाई धेरैले जनतालाई संसूचित गर्ने तथा संलग्न गराउने कुनै पनि राज्यका प्रयासहरुमा अति सफलतम् मान्दछन् । सम्भव भएसम्म राज्यले ती सबै संसूचनाहरुलाई सबै राज्यभाषाहरुमा अनुवाद गर्‍यो । एउटा अनुमान अनुसार त्यस्ता प्रयासहरु दक्षिण अपि|mकी जनसंख्याको ७३ प्रतिशत भागसम्म पुग्न सके।

    दक्षिण अफ्रीकाले विभिन्न माध्यमहरुसहित टेलिभिजन कार्यक्रमहरुको उपयोग गर्दै जनतामाझ संवैधानिक प्रक्रियाका सम्बन्धमा चेतना अभिवृद्धि गर्‍यो । राज्यका निकायहरुले सन् १९९५ को ६ महिनामा कुल रुपमा पच्चीस वटा टेलिभिजन कार्यक्रमहरु प्रसारण गरे तथा सन् १९९६ को तीन महिनामा बाह्रवटा कार्यक्रमहरु प्रसारण गरे । ती कार्यक्रमहरुमा नागरिक समाजका समूहहरुको प्रतिनिधिहरुले संविधानको महत्वपूर्ण पक्षहरुको सम्बन्धमा संविधानसभाका सदस्यहरुको बहुदलीय प्यानलहरुसाग बहसमा भाग लिए । ती विचारविमर्शहरुमा छलफल गरिएका विषयहरुमा अधिकारहरुको प्रतिज्ञापत्र, शक्ति पृथकीकरण, राष्ट्रिय गान तथा झण्डा, अभिव्यक्तिको स्वतन्त्रता, परम्परागत निकायहरु तथा मृत्युदण्ड परेका थिए । टेलिभिजनबाट प्रसारण गरिएका त्यस्ता विचारविमर्शहरुले संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुमा राज्यव्यापी संवादलाई प्रभावशाली रुपमा प्रोत्साहन गर्न तथा पूर्णता दिन सके । त्यसैगरी त्यस्ता बहसहरुले जनसंख्यामाझ प्रजातान्त्रिक विचारविमर्शको संस्कृतिलाई अझ बलियो बनाए ।

    दक्षिण अफ्रीकाले जनतालाई रेडियो कार्यक्रमद्वारा पनि संलग्न गरायो । सार्वजनिक संलग्नताका लागि पनि यो विशेष गरी प्रभावशाली संयन्त्र प्रमाणित भयो । किनकी यसमा सहरी तथा ग्रामिण क्षेत्रका जनतासम्म पुग्ने क्षमता थियो । यो रेडियो कार्यक्रममा साप्ताहिक एकघण्टे रेडियो वार्ता कार्यक्रमसमेत थियो । जसमा संवैधानिक विशेषज्ञहरु जनतालाई संवैधानिक शिक्षा प्रदान गर्न अतिथिका रुपमा प्रस्तुत भए । सरकारले साप्ताहिक कार्यक्रमहरु विभिन्न आठवटा रेडियो स्टेशनबाट आठवटा भाषामा प्रसारण गर्‍यो । ती रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरु धेरै चर्चित थिए तथा हरेक हप्ता १० देखि १२ मिलियन जनतासम्म पुग्दथे । रेडियोले दक्षिण अपि|mकामा व्यापक ग्रामीण जनसंख्या – जसमध्ये धेरैजसो असाक्षर थिए तथा पि्रन्टमिडियामा उनीहरुको पहाुच हुादैनथ्यो – त्यस्ता जनतामा संसूचनाहरु वितरण गर्ने चूनौतिलाई सामना गर्ने एउटा महत्वपूर्ण माध्यमको रुपमा काम गर्‍यो ।

    दक्षिण अफ्रीकाले जनतालाई संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा संलग्न गराउन विभिन्न प्रकारका तरिकाहरुको सफलतापूर्वक प्रयोग गर्‍यो । टेलिभिजन र रेडियो कार्यक्रमहरुका अतिरिक्त दक्षिण अपि|mकाले “संविधान वार्ता” नामको न्युजलेटरलाई प्रकाशित गरी निशुल्क रुपमा वितरण गर्‍यो । जसले मस्यौदा प्रक्रियासाग सम्बन्धित मुद्दाहरुका बारेमा जनतालाई शिक्षित बनायो । खासगरी उक्त न्युजलेटर आठ पेजको हुन्थ्यो तथा दुई महिनामा एक पटक प्रकाशित गरिन्थ्यो । यसको एकलाख साठी हजार प्रति वितरण गरिन्थ्यो । जसमध्ये एक लाख प्रतिहरु ट्याक्सी स्ट्याण्डबाट राज्यव्यापी रुपमा वितरण गरिन्थ्यो र बााकी साठी हजार प्रत्यक्ष रुपमा ग्राहकहरुलाई पठाइन्थ्यो । यो न्युजलेटर संवैधानिक मस्यौदा प्रक्रियालाई नजिकैबाट हेर्न चाहने दक्षिण अपि|mकीहरुलाई एउटा महत्वपूर्ण स्रोत प्रमाणित भयो ।

    जनतासमक्ष पुग्ने अर्को नयाा तरिका संवैधानिक वार्ता सम्बन्धी टेलिफोन लाइन हो । यो सेवाले कुनै टेलिफोन हटलाईनमा फोन गर्न व्यक्तिहरुलाई अवसर प्रदान गर्‍यो । जसबाट वर्तमान संवैधानिक तथा राजनैतिक विचारविमर्शको बारेमा संक्षिप्त जानकारीहरु सुन्न सकिन्थ्यो । यस्तो हटलाईन पााच भाषाहरुमा उपलब्ध थिए तथा जानकारी माग्नेले आˆनो टिप्पणी छोड्न सक्ने वा अतिरिक्त संसूचना माग्न अनुरोध गर्न सक्दथे । संवैधानिक वार्ता सम्बन्धी टेलिफोन लाइनाबाट १० हजार जनताहरुले फाइदा लिए ।

    आˆनो जनसंख्यामा पुग्नका लागि सामुदायिक रेडियोको प्रयोग गर्नुका अतिरिक्त दक्षिण अपि|mकाले नागरिक सहभागितालाई प्रोत्साहन गर्न ठट्यौली लयको लेखाई -कमिक स्ट्रीप्स्), कार्टुन, पोष्टरहरुको प्रयोग गर्‍यो । उदाहरणका लागि सरकारले सबै स्कुल तथा प्रौढ साझरता संस्थाहरुमा मानव अधिकार सम्बन्धी कमिकको दसलाख प्रति वितरण गर्‍यो । सरकारले सार्वजनिक चेतनालाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्नका लागि विज्ञापन अभियानमा पनि सरिक भयो । यो सहभागिताको एउटा अविस्मरणीय फोटो राष्ट्रपति नेल्सन मण्डेलाको त्यस्तो फोटो हो, जहाा उनी फोन समातेर बोलिरहेका हुन्छन्, “हेलो, के यो संविधानसभाको वार्ता गर्ने टेलिफोन हो? उसोभए म आˆनो भनाई राख्न चाहन्छु ।” विज्ञापन अभियानले खबर पत्रिका विलबोर्ड तथा बसहरुको भित्ताको पनि उपयोग गरे ।

    संविधानसभाले एउटा वेवसाइट पनि निर्माण गर्‍यो । यो वेवसाइट त्यसबेलाको आˆनो प्रकारको पहिलो वेवसाइट थियो, जसले संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियासम्बन्धी सूचनाहरुलाई प्रस्तुत गर्दै जाने काम गर्दथ्यो । संविधानसभाले केपटाउन विश्वविद्यालयसाग साझेदारी गर्‍यो । जसले यो वेवसाइटलाई चलाउदथ्यो । यो वेवसाइटले संविधानसभाको मिनट, मस्यौदा, राय तथा भनाइहरुको डेटावेस सबैको जानकारीको लागि उपलब्ध गराउाथ्यो । पर्यवेक्षकहरुले यो परियोजनालाई जनताका सदस्यहरुसम्म पुग्ने एउटा तरिकाको रुपमा अपनाए ।

    विभिन्न प्रकारको मिडियाहरुको व्यापक प्रयोगले दक्षिण अपि|mकालाई जनसंख्याको ठुलो भागहरुमा नयाा संविधान सम्बन्धी संसूचनाहरु पुर्‍याउन सक्षम बनायो । पर्यवेक्षकहरुले संविधानका सम्बन्धमा हुने बहसमा संलग्न गराउने सरकारका लगभग सबै तरिकाहरुको सफलताका लागि प्रशंसा गरे । दक्षिण अपि|mकाको सार्वजनिक सहभागिताको रणनीति धेरै बृहत थियो । यसमा विस्तारित सार्वजनिक वैठकहरु पनि समाहित थिए । संविधानसभाले हरेक क्षेत्रका लागि विशेष सुनुवाइको सञ्चालन गरेको थियो । यसमा नागरिक समाजका संस्थाहरुको सहभागिता थियो । तिनमा बन्दव्यापार, मजदुर, परम्परागत नेतृत्व तथा युवा पनि सम्मिलित थिए । पुगनपुग ६०० नागरिक समाजका संस्थाहरु ती सार्वजनिक सुनुवाइमा सहभागी भए ।

    उपरोक्त क्षेत्रगत विशेष सुनुवाई अतिरिक्त आˆनो चासोका विषयहरुलाई अगाडि बढाउने ‘लबी’ गु्रपहरु, सार्वजनिक प्रदर्शन तथा सार्वजनिक बहसले सार्वजनिक सहभागिताका लागि मञ्च प्रदान गर्‍यो । यसका अतिरिक्त आमनेसामने बसेर गरिएको ‘आउट रिच’ को कार्यक्रमहरुले संविधानसभालाई छापामूलक वा विद्युतीय सञ्चारसम्म कमै पहुाच भएका व्यक्तिहरु सम्म पुर्‍यायो । यसबाट उच्च असाक्षर दर भएका ग्रामिण क्षेत्र तथा समुदायसम्म पुग्न सकियो । समग्रमा करिब २,००० सार्वजनिक कार्यक्रमहरु मञ्चन गरिएका थिए । यसबाट एकलाख मान्छेसम्म पहुाच हुन सक्यो ।

    सार्वजनिक बैठकहरुले प्राय जनतालाई उनीहरुको निर्वाचित प्रतिनिधिहरुसाग प्रत्यक्ष रुपमा संलग्न हुन पहिलो अवसर प्रदान गर्‍यो । यसले त्यस्ता प्रतिनिधिहरुलाई अन्य राजनीतिज्ञहरु जोसाग उनीहरु पहिलेदेखि द्वन्द्वमा संलग्न थिए, अन्तक्रिर्या गर्ने पहिलो अवसर प्रदान गर्‍यो । ती बैठकहरुले उर्जाशील छलफलको उत्पादन गर्‍यो तथा नयाा विचार तथा दृष्टिकोणहरु साटफेर गर्नका लागि मञ्चको रुपमा पनि काम गर्‍यो । यसका अतिरिक्त ती बैठकहरुले समाजका कम शिक्षित समूहहरुलाई संसूचना प्रदान गरे तथा समाजको हरेक सदस्यको जिन्दगीलाई छुने संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुलाई व्याख्या गरे । दक्षिण अफ्रीकाको प्रक्रियामा विभिन्न मस्यौदामा तथा संवादको निरन्तरताका रुपमा सल्लाह तथा सुझाव लिने कार्यले वार्ता तथा सहयोगको वातावरणलाई बल दियो । संविधानसभाले ठुला खबरपत्रिकाहरुमा विज्ञापन प्रकाशित गरी जनताबाट रायसुझाव माग्ने तथा सार्वजनिक टिप्पणी प्राप्त गर्न गोष्ठीहरुको आयोजना गर्‍यो । संविधानसभाले नयाा संविधान उपर लिखित रुपमा वा सार्वजनिक समारोहहरुमा मौखिक प्रक्रियाले वा संवैधानिक वार्ता सम्बन्धी टेलिफोन हटलाईन वा इण्टरनेटको प्रयोगको प्रक्रियाबाट सल्लाह सुझाव प्राप्त गर्न जनताका सदस्यहरुलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्‍यो । संविधानसभाले व्यक्ति, एड्भोकेसी तथा सरोकारवालाहरुको समुह वा व्यवसायिक संस्थाहरुबाट २० लाख टिप्पणीहरु प्राप्त गर्‍यो । तर यसमध्ये धेरै जसो विन्तीपत्रहरुमा गरिएका हस्ताक्षरहरु थिए ।

    संविधानसभाको सचिवालयले जनताबाट प्राप्त टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई विषय अनुसार छुट्याउादै हरेक विषयगत संवैधानिक समितिका विशेषज्ञहरुलाई पठायो । त्यसपछि ती विशेषज्ञहरुले ती टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई संग्रह गर्दै संविधानसभाको विषयगत समितिहरुको विचारार्थ संक्षिप्त प्रतिवेदनहरु बनाए । त्यसबाट संविधानसभाले संविधानको कार्यकारी मस्यौदा बनायो, जसमा विवादास्पद प्रावधानहरुको वैकल्पिक रुपहरु सम्निहित थिए तथा जसले व्याख्यात्मक टिप्पणीहरु पनि प्रस्तुत गर्दथे । यसका अतिरिक्त मस्यौदाले जनताबाट दिएका विचार तथा टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई प्रष्ट रुपमा प्रतिविम्वित गर्‍यो । सभाले वर्किङ्ग मस्यौदाको पचास लाख प्रति वितरण गर्‍यो । यसलाई पत्रकारिताको हिसाबले आकर्षक -टेबलोइङ्ग) ढााचामा वितरण गरिएको थियो । यसमाथि सभाले पुनः सार्वजनिक टिकाटिप्पणी आहृवान गर्‍यो । दक्षिण अपि|mकाले मस्यौदामा २,५०,००० टिकाटिप्पणीहरु गरे तथा ती टिकाटिप्पणीहरुलाई संविधानसभाका कर्मचारीहरुले पुनः संक्षेपिकरण गरे । त्यसपछि उनीहरुले त्यस्तो सारांशलाई संविधानको सम्बन्धित धारासाग मिलेको छ कि छैन भनेर खुट्याए । यसको उद्देश्य संविधानसभालाई उक्त विषयहरुमा विचार गर्न सहज बनाउनु थियो ।

    दक्षिण अफ्रीकीहरुले वास्तवमा कुन हदसम्म मस्यौदाकारहरुले जनताबाट पेश गरिएका विचार तथा दृष्टिकोणहरुलाई गम्भीरतापूर्वक लिए तथा के संविधानसभाले नयाा संविधानमा त्यसलाई समावेश गर्ला भन्ने विषयमा आˆनो चासो व्यक्त गरे । सभाले पहिलो मस्यौदालाई यसरी बनायो कि यसले कुनै अस्पष्टता नराखी जनताको भनाइहरुलाई राख्न सकोस् तथा पुनरावलोकन गरिएको मस्यौदाले कसले कुन विषयमा आफ्नो भनाइ राखेको थियो, त्यस्तो भनाइले कुन प्रावधानलाई प्रभावित गर्‍यो तथा त्यस्तो भनाइलाई सम्बोधन गर्ने विशेषज्ञहरुको प्रतिवेदन के थियो भन्ने पनि त्यहाा उल्लेख थियो । त्यसपछि सभाले मस्यौदाको प्रति प्रत्येक व्यक्ति वा समूह जसले त्यसमा आˆनो भनाइ राखेका थिए, लाई पठायो । ती प्रयासहरुमार्फत दक्षिण अपि|mकाले जनतालाई अर्थपूर्ण रुपमा मस्यौदा प्रक्रियामा संलग्न गर्न खोज्यो तथा संविधानसभाद्वारा प्राप्त गरिएको विशाल सुझाव तथा सल्लाहलाई सम्बोधन गर्‍यो ।

  • संविधान मस्यौदामा सार्वजनिक सहभागिताः अल्बानियाको अभ्यास

     अल्बानियाको सन् १९९८ को संवैधानिक प्रक्रियामा प्रशासनिक केन्द्रका नामले जनिने एउटा गैरसरकारी निकायले संवैधानिक मुद्दाहरुलाई छलफल गर्नका लागि विविध सार्वजनिक कार्यक्रमहरुको मञ्चन गरेको थियो । यो केन्द्र सरकारको सहयोगबाट सृजना गरिएको थियो । प्रत्येक सेसनले विभिन्न मुद्दाहरुलाई समेटेको थियो । जसमा विधायिकी शक्ति, कार्यकारिणी शक्ति, न्यायिक शक्ति, मानवअधिकार तथा स्थानीय सरकार समेत समेटिएका थिए । त्यसपछि सेसनहरुमा पहिचान गरिएका संविधानसम्बन्धी विषयहरुलाई छलफल गर्नका लागि प्रशासनिक केन्द्रले स्थानीय तथा विदेशीविज्ञहरु भएको संसदीय संविधान मस्यौदा गर्ने समूहका सदस्यहरु भएको कार्यक्रम पनि गर्‍यो । त्यसपछि प्रशासनिक केन्द्रले सार्वजनिक टेलिभिजनको माध्यमबाट एउटा तिनभागको कार्यक्रमको श्रृंखलाहरु प्रसारण गर्‍यो।

    अल्बानियाको संवैधानिक प्रक्रियालाई प्रमुख प्रतिपक्षी समूहले बहिष्कार गरेको कारणले अल्बानियाको सार्वजनिक परामर्श प्रक्रिया प्रभावित भयो । यद्यपी नयाा संविधानउपरको कामहरु चलि नै रहृयो । मस्यौदाकारहरुले संविधानको विषयवस्तुमा अन्तिम निर्णय गर्ने कार्यलाई स्थगन गर्ने निश्चय गरे । यसको कारण बहिष्कार गर्ने दललाई मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायमा सम्मिलित गर्नका लागि समय प्रदान गर्नु थियो ।

    प्रक्रियाको वैधतालाई कायम राख्नका लागि राज्यका निकायहरुले संवैधानिक विषयवस्तुहरुको छलफलमा पीडित जनसंख्यालाई संलग्न गराउनका लागि ठुलो प्रयास गरे । प्रशासनिक केन्द्रले आफूले प्राप्त गरेको सुझावहरुलाई क्रमाङ्क दिादै संगठित गरे । यसको उद्देश्य संविधान मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायबाट तिनीहरुको विचार विमर्श सहज हुन सकोस् भन्ने थियो । अन्ततः मस्यौदा गर्ने निकायले यसले पाएको सयौा प्रस्तावित परिवर्तनहरु मध्ये पचासवटाभन्दा बढी परिवर्तनहरुलाई स्वीकार गर्‍यो । जसले मस्यौदा संविधानको प्रत्यक्ष रुपमा पैातालिस वटा धाराहरुलाई प्रभावित गर्‍यो । यसले ती परिवर्तनहरुलाई समावेश गर्नका लागि संविधानको मस्यौदालाई पुनरावलोकन गर्‍यो तथा उक्त संविधानलाई अनुमोदन गर्नका लागि जनताले पुनः जनमत संग्रहमा भाग लिए । अल्बानियाले सार्वजनिक शिक्षण तथा परामर्श कार्यविधिलाई सक्षमतापूर्वक संगठित तथा सञ्चालन गर्‍यो । जसका कारण अझ बढी प्रजातन्त्र प्राप्त गर्नका लागि बल मिल्यो ।

  • संविधान मस्यौदामा सार्वजनिक सहभागिताः युगाण्डाको अभ्यास

     युगाण्डाले टेलिभिजन तथा रेडियो कार्यक्रमका अतिरिक्त जनतालाई संविधानका बारेमा संसूचित गर्न सञ्चारका विभिन्न माध्यमहरुको प्रयोग गर्‍यो । आयोगले ८६ वटा जिल्लास्तरीय गोष्ठीको आयोजना गर्‍यो । जसमा राज्यका सबै जिल्लाका आयुक्तहरुको समूह दुइदिने गोष्ठीहरुमा सामेल भए । ती गोष्ठीहरुबाट प्राप्त भएका सार्वजनिक इन्पुटहरुबाट संवैधानिक आयोगले शिक्षणसम्बन्धी बुकलेटहरुको विकास गर्‍यो र यसलाई सन् १९६२ तथा १९६७ को संविधान सागै सबै स्थानीय सरकारका परिषद्हरु तथा नागरिक समाजसम्बन्धी संस्थाहरुमा वितरण गर्‍यो । गोष्ठीहरु तथा कार्यशालाहरुका ती सामाग्रीहरुबाट आयोगले संविधानका विभिन्न पक्षहरुमा संवादलाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्ने सोचाई राख्यो । यसका अतिरिक्त युगाण्डाले विद्यार्थी निबन्ध प्रतियोगिताको विकास गर्‍यो । जसबाट यो प्रक्रियामा विद्यार्थीको संलग्नतालाई उत्पे्ररणा दियो । साथसाथै बृहत्तर जनतासागको पहुाचलाई बढायो ।

    युगाण्डाबासीलाई सहभागी गराउन तथा आˆनो राय तथा सुझाव अभिव्यक्त गर्न ती विभिन्न तरिकाहरु प्रदान गरेको कारण जनतामाझ उत्साह देखा पर्‍यो जसको परिणाम स्वरुप यो एक अति नै सफल प्रक्रियाका रुपमा देखियो । जसलाई युगाण्डावासी तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदाय सबैले प्रशंसा गरे । सरकारले प्रयोग गरेका ती तरिकाहरुले सार्वजनिक स्वार्थलाई सहयोग गरेको तथा आयोगले यो प्रक्रिया निष्पक्ष रुपमा स्वतन्त्र तरिकाले सञ्चालन गरेको अनुभव युगाण्डावासीले गरेे । अझ भन्ने हो भने युगाण्डाले सबै सार्वजनिक पहाुच सम्बन्धी प्रभावहरुसहित सम्पूर्ण संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियाका लागि वैदेशिक सहयोग भन्दा पनि आˆनै स्रोतबाट खर्च गर्‍यो । यसले युगाण्डावासीलाई संविधान उपरको स्वामित्वको अझ बढी अनुभव गरायो ।

    युगाण्डाको संविधान मस्यौदा प्रक्रियाले सार्वजनिक सहभागिताको यसको स्तरका लागि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायका साथसाथै युगाण्डाको नागरिकहरुको प्रशंसा पायो । युगाण्डाको संवैधानिक समितिले सामान्य जनसंख्याबाट सल्लाह तथा सुझाव प्राप्त गर्नका लागि विभिन्न सार्वजनिक बैठकहरु सञ्चालन गर्‍यो । खासगरी तीन वर्षको अवधिमा उक्त समितिले छयासीवटा जिल्लास्तरीय सेमिनारहरु सञ्चालन गर्‍यो, जसमा यसको सदस्यहरुका समूहहरुले राज्यका सबै जिल्लाहरुमा दुइदिने गोष्ठीहरुमा भाग लिए । पुगनपुग १०,००० जनताले ती गोष्ठीहरुमा भाग लिए । जसमा जिल्लास्तरीय अधिकारीहरु, स्थानीय सरकारका कार्यकारिणी परिषद्हरु, गाउा तथा वडाका नेताहरु, सामुदायिक नेताहरु तथा स्कूल तथा धार्मिक संस्थाहरुका प्रमुखहरु पनि सहभागि थिए ।
    ,br> समितिले प्रहरी, सेना, कारागारका कर्मचारीहरु लगायत विभिन्न सरकारी कर्मचारीहरु तथा शिक्षणसंस्था, महिला समूह, युवा सम्बन्धी संस्थाहरु, व्यवसायिक संगठनहरु तथा राजनैतिक दलहरु लगायत नागरिक समाजका संघसंस्थाहरुका लागि दुई दिने सेमिनार पनि आयोजना गर्‍यो । नागरिक समाजका संस्थाहरुले बैठकहरु पनि सञ्चालन गरे । ती बैठकहरुमा समितिका सदस्यहरु बोलेका थिए । समितिका सदस्यहरु प्रत्येक गाउाका वडाहरुमा भएको शैक्षिक छलफलका कार्यक्रमहरुमा सहभागी भए तथा त्यसपछि संविधानमा मौखिक तथा लिखित फिडव्याक पाउनका लागि त्यस्ता प्रत्येक वडाहरुमा फर्केर गए । सहभागितामूलक कामकारबाहीहरु जस्तो सेमिनार, बैठकहरु तथा आलोचना पेश गर्ने कार्यक्रमहरुमा करिबकरिब आधा नागरिकहरुले डेढ क्रियाकलापमा औसत रुपमा सहभागिता गरे । पैातीस प्रतिशतले कुनै क्रियाकलापमा भाग लिएनन् तथा तेह्र प्रतिशत तीन वा सो भन्दा बढी क्रियाकलापहरुमा संलग्न भए ।

    यस सम्बन्धमा यत्तिको सार्वजनिक सहभागिता भएतापनि केहिको भनाईमा तिनका प्रक्रियाहरु दुषित थिए । प्रारम्भमा देखिएजस्तो निष्पक्ष थिएनन् । खासगरी समालोचकहरुले संवैधानिक समितिले पक्षपाति प्रश्नहरु प्रस्ताव गरेको भनि आरोप लगाए । जसका कारण पेश गरिएका भनाइहरुले सत्तामा आसिन सरकारलाई समर्थन गर्‍यो तथा सरकारले विचारहरुको स्वतन्त्र आदानप्रदानलाई राजनैतिक दलको क्रियाकलापमाथि प्रतिबन्धित गरेर सिमित गर्‍यो भन्ने आरोप लगाइयो । यसका अतिरिक्त संविधान सम्बन्धी संसूचनाहरुको बैकल्पिक स्रोतहरुको अभावमा केही पर्यवेक्षकहरुले बहुसंख्यक जनताको विचारहरुलाई राजनैतिक अभिजात्य वर्गको दृष्टिकोणबाट अत्याधिक रुपमा प्रभावित भएको तर्क गरे ।