Category: Quotes

  • संविधान सम्बन्धि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन सम्पन्न

    काठमाडौं– प्रधानमन्त्री केपी शर्मा ओलीले नेपालको संविधान लचिलो रहेको र यसले संशोधन र समायोजनको विशेषता बोकेको बताएका छन् । संविधानबारे काठमाडौंमा आयोजित तीन दिने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनको हिजो सोमबार समापन गर्दै प्रधानमन्त्री ओलीले नेपालको संविधान समृद्ध नेपाल र सुखी नेपालीको सपना देख्ने आधार भएको बताए । प्रधानमन्त्री ओलीले संविधान नै हाम्रो वर्तमान र भविष्यको दृष्टिकोण भएकोले लोकतान्त्रिक मूल्य–मान्यता मार्फत समाजवादमा पुग्ने पनि यही संविधान मार्फत भएको बताए ।

    प्रधानमन्त्रीले संविधान सबैखाले विभेदलाई अन्त्य गर्ने विविधता बीच एकताको दस्तावेज रहेको र यसले सबैलाई समेटेको दाबी गरे । उनले भने(ुसंविधान समावेशी र लोकतान्त्रिक छ । ७० वर्षको प्रजातान्त्रिक इतिहासमा सबैभन्दा राम्रो संविधान बनेको छ ।

    तीन दिनअघि राष्ट्रपति विद्यादेवी भण्डारीले उद्घाटन गरी शुरु भएकोे सम्मेलनमा राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संविधानविद्, न्यायविद्, राजनीतिज्ञ, विश्लेषक, अर्थशास्त्री, अभियन्ता, विधिशास्त्र र संविधानवादका ज्ञाता सहभागी थिए । काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कुल अफ लका डिन विपिन अधिकारीले सम्मेलनको निष्कर्ष प्रस्तुत गरेका थिए ।

    सम्मेलनको आयोजना काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ ल र साउथएशिया ट्रष्टले संयुक्त रुपमा आयोजना गरेका हुन् ।

  • Government committed to constitution: PM Oli

    Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli today said the government was committed to working in line with the spirit of the constitution to deliver good governance and prosperity.

    Stating that the people had to undergo immense hardship and struggle to write the constitution and they were no longer ready to wait any longer, the prime minister said the government had the monumental task of effectively implementing the pro-people, forward-looking provisions in the constitution.

    Addressing the closing function of the three-day Conference on the Constitution of Nepal, Oli said the promulgation of the constitution was a milestone in Nepal’s modern history, and added that the charter guaranteed rights to people of all sections of the society such as the disadvantaged, Dalits, women and the poor.

    “The constitution has incorporated our social values handed over from generations to generations,” said Oli.

    Oli also said that the constitution of Nepal guaranteed inclusive polity and participatory government besides welfare state, and added that the government was fully committed to realising the objectives of the constitution.

    Oli, however, said there were several issues that had to be paid due attention to in the process of implementation of the constitution — ensuring full implementation of provincial rights; equitable allocation of resources among central, provincial and local governments; and striking a fine balance between growth, equity and social justice.

    “The government is committed to addressing these issues effectively,” he said, and that he was hopeful that the constitution would help make Nepal a strong and prosperous nation.

    According to the prime minister, Nepal’s constitution is flexible as far as amendment is concerned, but any such revision should be carried out keeping at centre nationality and sovereignty.

    He said the government’s priorities were enhancement of nationalism, national unity, social justice, quality, equity, and attaining development and prosperity.

    “We are also focusing on good governance, accountability, transparency, prosperity and rapid development,” said the PM.

    The event, held on the occasion of the third anniversary of the promulgation of the constitution, was attended by more than 300 participants, including seven dozen panelists. There were 30 international participants from various countries, including India, Sri Lanka, China, the US and European countries, according to the organisers.

    Kathmandu University School of Law Dean Bipin Adhikari, the convener of the conference, said experts and participants during the event suggested effective implementation of the rights and promises in the constitution for the weaker sections, marginalised and disadvantaged groups.

    Other suggestions made by the participants, according to Adhikari, included revision of laws related to proportional representation electoral system; allocation of rights to various levels of governments, division of power among local, provincial and federal governments; swift enactment of laws related to fundamental rights ensured by the constitution; model laws to assist provincial governments to frame their laws; and addressing lack of laws related to parliamentary hearing.

    On the occasion International regulatory and commercial lawyer Robert Taylor said rule of law was something that was handed over from generations to generations, and it could be attained through education. “Democracy does not need sophistication, but education,” he said.

    [A version of this article appears in print on August 14, 2018 of The Himalayan Times].

  • Statement by Prime Minister Rt. Hon. K P Sharma Oli at the concluding ceremony of the Conference on the Constitution of Nepal 2015 Kathmandu, 13 August 2018

    Mr. Chair,
    Distinguished Participants,
    Friends, Ladies and Gentlemen

    Namaste and Good Evening !

    Five weeks from today is the third anniversary of the promulgation of Nepal’s Constitution, which was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 20th September 2015.

    As we prepare to mark this momentous day in Nepal’s history, I am reminded of the excruciating trials and tribulations, and untold pain and suffering that the people of Nepal had to undergo, to write a document that embodied our hopes and aspirations, and our ideals and faiths, for the well-being of the people of Nepal for generations to come.

    At the same time, I am also aware of the monumental tasks that lie ahead of us in translating into concrete actions the overwhelmingly pro-people, progressive and forward-looking provisions enshrined in our Constitution.

    Make no mistake that we will do what the Constitution requires of the Government, and that we will deliver to the people peace, good governance, development and prosperity. The people of Nepal have waited long enough and will not tolerate any excuses whatsoever from this popularly elected Government—a Government of the people, by the people and for the people.

    This document, the Constitution of Nepal, is the encapsulation of the collective will of the Nepali people as a whole, and contains within its 35 Parts and 308 Articles, all the novel, modern and progressive features of a democratic, inclusive and humanistic polity that we have aspired for during the several decades of our political struggles and revolutions.

    It recognizes the worth and dignity of every Nepali citizen, and treats every citizen equally, and guarantees fundamental rights and freedoms without any discrimination whatsoever.

    We deserve to be proud of this apex law of the land, the promulgation of which was a crucial milestone in the modern history of Nepal.

    Historical Overview

    Friends:
    We have had to fight protracted struggles against various forms of authoritarian regimes to secure fundamental rights and political freedoms, as the modern political history of Nepal has basically been one of struggles and revolutions in various forms.

    Indeed, the political struggles and movements of the Nepali people have a long and glorious tradition, emerging first as a patriotic movement for the country’s unification, and later as a struggle against British aggression.

    These battles took various forms of social reforms and humanist struggles against tyranny and repression and later transformed into a democratic movement against the despotic Rana Regime.

    The Nepali people’s quest for constitutionalism and democratic polity emerged from the legacy of all these streams coming into a single political movement for political freedoms, social change and transformation

    For the last seven decades, the people of Nepal have tried to shape their destiny by forcing the past regimes to promulgate constitutions that limited the power of the rulers. The past constitutions were not as democratic and progressive as the present Constitution.

    The History of Constitutions of Nepal

    Ladies and Gentlemen:
    Nepal’s constitutional history goes back to 70 years ago, with the promulgation of the landmark Nepal Sarkar Bidhanik Kanoon of 1948 by Padma Sumsher (then Rana Prime Minister). While this first constitution in the annals of Nepal’s constitutional history must be credited with initiating the process of democratization in the country, it fell short of meeting the basic requirements that define modern democratic systems of checks and balances.

    Worse, it was never implemented.

    The Interim Government of Nepal Act, 1951, which was enacted after the Revolution of 1951, created the Pradhan Nyayalaya (Supreme Court), and enlisted the fundamental rights of the citizens.

    However, it was the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1959, that enabled the first-ever general election in Nepal for introducing multi-party representative democracy for the first time in the country’s history.

    This democratic experiment, however, was short-lived as the king took over executive power by banning political parties, throttling free speech and instituting an autocratic Panchayat system under his direct control.

    Thereafter, the Constitution of Nepal, 1962, constitutionalized the King’s coup d’etat and placed him at the center-stage of Nepal’s political authority.

    This was a dark period in Nepal’s modern history.

    It was against this flagrant violation of the people’s rights that the people of Nepal waged continuous struggles and made supreme sacrifices for bringing back a democratic polity that would recognize the people as the repository of sovereignty and ultimate authority of the State.

    As I think back to those days of utter darkness when political space was constricted, civil liberties curtailed and the people silenced with the might of violence, I vividly remember the matchless courage and fortitude of our comrades who fought against the autocratic regime without any concern for their personal safety or even for their lives. I have no hesitation to share with you that I was imprisoned for 14 long years, including four years of solitary confinement, for actively leading an anti-authoritarian campaign.

    Indeed, many people sacrificed their lives at the altar of democracy and people’s rights.

    Indeed, for us youths living in those days, it was a call of duty that we could not say no to.

    It was a sacred duty for a noble cause.

    And these struggles of the people culminated into the People’s Movement, 1990, that led to the downfall of the autocratic Panchayat System and heralded a new era in the democratization of Nepal’s polity.

    The promulgation of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990, should be seen against this background.

    It might have been imperfect, as it proved to be in the face of a strong demand for political change and transformation impelled by the undemocratic behavior of the monarch. However, the Constitution should also be credited for re-introducing a democratic polity within a constitutional framework of civil liberties, fundamental rights, and the rule of law.

    The King’s misadventure in 2005 to take direct control of the administration ended the very foundation of the 1990 Constitution, which was based on constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy. This undemocratic action of the King brought closer the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists to stage a united front against the autocratic monarch. He was forced to accept the demand for the restoration of the dissolved parliament and give up the power that he had unconstitutionally usurped. The reinstated house issued a declaration, suspending the monarchy and making the people of Nepal truly sovereign for the first time in history. The Monarchy that ruled the country for almost two centuries and half was finally abolished in May 2008 at the very first meeting of the Constituent Assembly.

    Following the end of the decade-long armed struggle in 2006, the political developments in Nepal took a sharp turn towards setting up a federal, republican and secular political order, which had been our ultimate political goals since. The accomplishment of the difficult task of the management of arms and Maoist combatants in accordance with the provisions of the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Accord paved the way for the conclusion of the peace process.

    The role of the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007, was special: it was a stop-gap arrangement.

    Nevertheless, it also pioneered many important landmarks in Nepal’s constitutional history and set the stage ready for the promulgation of the Constitution of Nepal, by the CA.

    The Constitution of Nepal is not only a historic achievement of the Nepali people but also a highly progressive law of the land that has set unprecedented parallels by global standards in guaranteeing the rights of the people, particularly for the disadvantaged sections of society including women, Dalits and the poor.

    Through the Constitution, we have adopted a competitive multiparty system of governance with constitutional supremacy, periodic elections, human rights, the rule of law, separation of powers as well as check and balance, and an independent judiciary.

    The Constitution is also a document that embraces the vision we have for the country in the present and for the future.

    We have set clear priorities for Nepal – enhancement of nationalism, institutional development of democracy, strengthening national unity on the basis of social harmony, achievement of social justice and equality by ending all forms of discrimination, inequality and suppression, and attainment of economic development and prosperity at the earliest possible.

    I would like to share with you that our Constitution has incorporated some of the social values, norms and practices handed down from generation to generation but not formally written in any previous documents.

    At the same time, we focus on good governance encompassing such components as accountability, transparency, austerity and eradication of corruption as key features for prosperity and rapid development.

    The Road to the Promulgation of the Constitution of Nepal 2015: A Brief Review

    Friends:

    Pursuant to the provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2006, Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly (CA) was duly elected in April 2008. As the first CA was unable to deliver a constitution within the stipulated time frame, elections were held again in November 2013 to the CA which, by building on the achievements made during the first CA, fulfilled its mandate to promulgate the Constitution in less than two years’ time from the date of elections. The CA, which had 601 members, was an eloquent manifestation of our commitment to inclusive polity, reflective of our diversity. It was truly democratic in character and it followed a participatory approach to addressing constitutional issues.

    There was an unprecedented unity among political parties who stood together under difficult circumstances to thwart all attempts to undermine the most democratic exercise of the Nepali people. My Party remained at the forefront of safeguarding people’s right to frame a constitution and defending our country’s sovereignty and independence in taking decisions on constitutional issues and other internal matters.

    The ultimate objectives of the Constitution were clear: vesting sovereignty in the hands of the people; ensuring equal rights and opportunities to the people; ensuring respect and dignity of every individual; and creating a just and prosperous society by eliminating discriminations in all its forms and manifestations. To achieve these objectives, we have restructured the State into a federal republican set-up and are pursuing a participatory democratic system of governance.

    Our constitution envisages such a society, where every individual is a full and complete manifestation of his or her potentials, and he or she has every right to live a meaningful, joyful and healthy life, and enjoy full freedoms – political, economic and social – to realize his or her full potentials without any discrimination whatsoever, either on account of his or her class, race, ethnicity, caste, color, gender, religion, language or ideology.

    Ladies and Gentlemen:

    Speaking of his vision for Nepal’s political system, Jana Neta (People’s Leader) Madan Bhandari, the towering leader in Nepal’s democratic movements, once said, and I quote:

    ‘In my vision of Nepal’s polity, I see the supremacy of the Constitution, multi-party open society, separation of powers, protection of human rights, multi-party competitive political system, periodic elections, government of the majority and a constitutional opposition, and the rule of law, as absolutely essential features.’

    It gives me a great satisfaction to observe that the Constitution of Nepal is one such document, unparalleled in its emphasis on guaranteeing the dignity of being a Nepali citizen.

    The Constitution expresses the determination to create an egalitarian society to ensure equitable economic opportunities, prosperity and social justice.

    It aims at building socialism by adopting democratic norms and values.

    The Constitution of Nepal also has special provisions for affirmative action for backward and disadvantaged communities.

    Further, the Constitution has restructured the country as a federal State with three layers of Governance, at the Central, Provincial and Local levels.

    The Constitution provides for an inclusive electoral system with a 60-40 mix of First Past the Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR) systems respectively.

    The constitution also requires political parties to file candidacies for the Proportional Representation (PR) system through closed lists of women, Dalits, indigenous people, Khas Arya, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslim, and backward regions.

    In a significant initiative for ensuring the participation of women in state structures, women are guaranteed one-third of seats in the Federal Parliament, as well as the provincial assemblies. It also requires that the positions of either President or Vice-President of the country and Speaker or Deputy Speaker be filled by a woman. At the Local Level, women are guaranteed 40% representation. The recent elections confirmed 41% participation of women in representative bodies. This is not an insignificant achievement, and we remain committed to bridging the remaining gap of 9%

    Friends:
    The Constitution of Nepal has made many important departures. It has not only created a federal set-up, but has also made numerous provisions to make the State more inclusive and its polity more participative.

    Accordingly, the State embraces a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural ethos and identity, and adopts policies based on diverse geographical specifics. The Constitution ends discrimination based on class, caste, region, language, religion and gender, including all forms of untouchability, in order to protect and promote unity in diversity, social and cultural solidarity, tolerance, harmony and peace.

    There are also quite novel rights guaranteed to the people of Nepal by the Constitution. These rights include the right to social justice, the right to clean environment, the right against exploitation, and the rights to education, health, employment, food, and housing and many others. The Constitution contains many provisions of a welfare state to guarantee the rights of every segment of society from children to elder citizen.

    Thus, the promulgation of the Constitution has been widely accepted and has gained the stamp of approval of the Nepali people because it has ensured their full rights, and charted a concrete map for creating a society wherein every Nepali citizen is happy and prosperous in line with the vision of ‘Samriddha Nepal, Sukhi Nepali’. This is the most transformative achievement in Nepal’s political and constitutional history.

    Ladies and Gentlemen:
    The successful holdings of local, provincial, and federal elections last year brought the constitution into full operation. The elections were held in a free, fair and impartial manner, with record turnout of people’s participation. The people of Nepal have given the Nepal Communist Party a solid mandate to govern the country for the first time in many years. Political stability and economic prosperity have been our twin goals and we remain steadfast in pursuing these objectives.

    As the elected Prime Minister, I am duty bound to ensure that the provisions of our Constitution are fully implemented true to the letter and spirit. I call upon all political leaders and fellow countrymen to sincerely and faithfully support us in this most important national task.

    As we continue implementing the Constitution, several issues need to be taken into account.

    To my mind, there are four major issues in the implementation of the Constitution that need careful consideration and appropriate response.

    First, we must ensure the full implementation of constitutional provisions relating to the enjoyment of rights as enshrined in the Constitution.

    The Government is committed to finalizing the bills relating to the full implementation of the Constitution at an early date and get them adopted by the Parliament within the constitutionally stipulated timeline.

    I request all to work together to fulfil this most important national task.

    I believe that it is important to ensure that the constitutional provisions relating to the enjoyment of rights are implemented without any delay.

    This will assure the people of the strength of constitutional provisions, and of their significance in fulfilling the aspirations of the people to live a life with dignity and honor.

    Second, we must also manage Centre-province relations as per the spirit of the Constitution, enhance the capacity of all tiers of government, and ensure the equitable distribution of natural and fiscal resources among the central, provincial and local levels of governance.

    It requires great vision, strong leadership, dynamic adjustments, wideness and flexibility to achieve these objectives.

    As the Nepali proverb says, ‘ढुंगाको भर माटोलाई, माटोको भर ढुंगालाई’, interdependence and cooperation are of paramount importance.

    The Constitution of Nepal provides that the three tiers of governments are embedded in a single system of governance, albeit with different jurisdictions and separate lists of responsibilities, but within a structure of governance that seeks the support and co-operation from each other for effective delivery of rule of law, governance and public service.

    We will ensure that the revenues collected by the Government of Nepal are distributed equitably among the three tiers of the Government, and that the paucity of resources will not be a constraint in spearheading the development drive at the local levels.

    We will see to it that the equalization grant is based on parameters such as human development index, status of regional balance, requirement of resources, and the status of socio-economic development.

    It is equally important that the provincial and local governments also mobilize resources prudently at the local levels in order to accelerate socio-economic development in the local areas.

    I do hope that the newly formed governments at the province and the local levels will learn from their experiences, and provide clean and transparent governance.

    I believe that since the local governments are close to the people, they are also more capable and responsible for solving local problems and foster local development more effectively.

    At the same time, the local governments will gain maturity as they learn from their own experience, and deliver the fruits of economic development and social progress through innovative programs that they come up with to address new challenges that they face.

    Third, we need to strike a right balance between equity and growth, on the one hand, and federalist structures and economic efficiency, on the other.

    The economic policies that we adopt should not only promote economic growth but also support equity and justice. We want to eradicate poverty from our soil and provide equal opportunities for our people to prosper.

    In fact, the combination of these three goals – growth, equity and social justice – is what the aspiration of people has always been.

    To my mind, a well-crafted and managed federal structure not only ensures economic growth but also delivers equity and justice.

    Finally, it is important to understand the circumstances under which the Constitution can be amended.

    The Constitution of Nepal is a flexible document, in that it allows for amendments and adjustments as long as they don’t infringe on the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Nepal, and the sovereignty and state authority vested in the people of Nepal.

    Such flexibility is the Constitution’s important characteristic, a feature which will ensure that the changing aspirations of the people of Nepal will always find their full expression in the Constitution.

    The representatives of the sovereign people of Nepal have toiled long and hard for countless years in its making. I only wish that the future generations will not need to wage such struggles – as we had to – to get their legitimate demands heard, and their genuine concerns addressed.

    Ladies and Gentlemen:
    We believe that our Constitution will make Nepal a strong, prosperous and dignified nation, living in harmony and peace with our neighbors, maintaining cordial relations with all countries in the world, building partnerships for our development, and playing a proactive role in favor of a just, equitable and transparent world order. Our constitution has for the first time defined the elements of national interest. Our foreign policy will be guided to safeguard national interests within the overall framework established by the constitution.

    I believe many of the issues that I could only touch upon have been discussed extensively during the past three days in this Conference. I do hope that the recommendations of this conclave will help devise effective strategies to fully implement the Constitution of Nepal. The Government of Nepal is committed to implementing the Constitution of Nepal, and in this regard, your inputs and suggestions will be valuable for us.

    For organizing this event, and for inviting me to express my views on these most pertinent issues, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to the Kathmandu University School of Law and the South Asia Trust. I commend the efforts of all those who have been involved in the organization of this conference.

    I thank you for your kind attention.

  • काठमाडौंमा संविधान सम्मेलन

    काठमाडौं – राष्ट्रपति विद्यादेवी भण्डारीले नेपालको संविधानको कार्यान्वयनमा चुनौतीबारे अध्ययन र छलफल हुन जरुरी रहेको बताएकी छिन्। नेपालको संविधानसम्बन्धी काठमाडौंमा आयोजित सम्मेलन उद्घाटन गर्दै राष्ट्रपति भण्डारीले संविधानको मूल्य मान्यताको अध्ययन र विश्लेषण हुन जरुरी रहेको बताइन्।

    संविधानले भाषिक, सांस्कृतिक, लैंगिक विभेद अन्त्य गर्दै समावेशी, समुन्नत समाज निर्माणको लक्ष्य लिएको राष्ट्रपति भण्डारीले बताइन्। जनताद्वारा जारी गरिएको संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संविधानले मौलिक हकको आवश्यक पूर्वाधार तयार गरेको राष्ट्रपति भण्डारीको भनाइ छ । नेपालको संविधानमा रहेको मौलिक हक उत्कृष्ट रहेको बताउँदै महिला र अल्पसंख्यकलाई मूल प्रवाहीकरणबारे विश्वले सिक्नुपर्ने बताइन्।

    कार्यक्रममा संविधानसभाका पूर्व अध्यक्ष सुबासचन्द्र नेम्वाङले संविधान कार्यान्वयनको विकल्प नभएको बताए। नेम्बाङले संविधानसभामा ३१ दलको सहभागितामा संविधान बनाइएको भन्दै विभिन्न फरक दलहरूको उदाहरणीय कानुनी दस्तावेज भएको उल्लेख गरे।

    ‘सर्वोच्च अदालतदेखि राउटेसम्मको लाखौं सुझाव लिएर संविधान बनाइएको हो,’ नेम्बाङले भने, ‘लाखौं सुझावलाई अध्ययन, मनन गरेर संविधान बनेको हो ।’ जनताको अपेक्षाबमोजिम संविधान संशोधन गर्न सकिने उनको भनाइ छ।

    संविधानसभाका पूर्व सदस्य तथा पूर्वमन्त्री रामशरण महतले भिन्न–भिन्न धारणा राख्ने राजनीतिक दल एक ठाउँ भएर संविधान जारी गरेको उदाहरण सुनाए। उनले संविधान बनेपछि तीन तहको चुनाव भएको र सबैभन्दा बढी स्थानीय सरकार बलियो रहेको बताए। ‘जनताद्वारा लेखिएको उत्कृष्ट हाम्रो संविधान हो,’ उनले भने, ‘पञ्चायत मान्ने दलदेखि विद्रोह गरेर आएको पार्टीसम्म एकठाउँ बसेर संविधान बनाइएको हो।’

    बंगलादेशका संविधानविद् कमाल हुसेनले संविधान जनताको हक समेटिएको दस्तावेज भएको उल्लेख गरे। संविधानले जनताको अधिकार संरक्षित गर्ने भएकाले लोकतन्त्रको रक्षासमेत गर्ने बताए । उनले दक्षिण एशियामै संविधान कार्यान्वयनका चुनौति रहेको उल्लेख गरे।

    कार्यक्रममा काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कुल अफ ल का डिन विपीन अधिकारीले तीन दिनसम्म संविधान सम्मेलनमा दक्षिण एसियाका विभिन्न देशबाट विज्ञको सहभागितामा संविधानको छलफल हुने बताए। संविधान बनेको ३ वर्ष पुग्नै लाग्दा काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कुल अफ ल ले नेपालको संविधान सम्बन्धी तीनदिने सम्मेलनको आयोजना गरेको हो। संविधान विज्ञ सम्मिलित सम्मेलनमा संविधानका विषयमा कार्यपत्रसहित छलफल हुने बताइएको छ। संविधान सम्मेलन सोमबारसम्म चल्नेछ।

  • प्राध्यापक उपेन्द्रमान मल्लले गरे ‘नेपाल एक सङ्क्रमणकालीन देश’ को बिमोचन

    काठमाडौं । नेपालका विभिन्न विद्वानको लेख समावेश भएको पुस्तक प्राध्यापक उपेन्द्रमान मल्लले आज विमोचन गरे । मण्डला बुक प्वाइन्ट, एजुुकेशनल बुक हाउस तथा आदर्श इन्टरप्राइजेज नयाँदिल्लीद्वारा संयुक्तरुपमा आयोजित कार्यक्रममा सो पुस्तक उनले विमोचन गरेका हुन ।

    नेपाल एक सङ्क्रमणकालीन देश नामक उक्त पुस्तकमा डा त्रिरत्न मानन्धर, दिल्लीराम दाहाल, विपिन अधिकारी, दीपेन्द्र अधिकारी, मदनकुमार दाहाल, द्वारिका ढुङ्गेल, मोहन लोहनी, निश्चलनाथ पाण्डे, रविराज थापा, चिरजङ्ग थापा, आदित्यमान श्रेष्ठ, चिरञ्जीवी भण्डारी, राजीव तिमिल्सिना तथा दीपक ज्ञवालीका लेखहरु समावेश भएका छन् ।

    एक सय पृष्ठको पुस्तकमा लेखकहरुले माओवादी जनयुद्ध, इतिहास, नेपालमा कमजोर प्रजातन्त्र, धर्मनिरपेक्षता, नेपाल मण्डल, धार्मिक सभ्यता र दक्षिण एशियाली मुलुकलगायत विषयमा चर्चा गरिएको थियो ।

    सो अवसरमा प्राडा मल्लले देशको आर्थिक विकासका लागि शिक्षाको महत्व उच्च रहेको बताउँदै यो पुस्तक युवा पुस्ताका लागि उपयोगी हुने विश्वास व्यक्त गरेका थिए ।

    समीक्षक मधुकरशम्शेर राणा तथा डा अभि सुवेदी, डा त्रिरत्न मानन्धर र मण्डला बुक प्वाइन्टका कार्यकारी निर्देशक माधवलाल महर्जनले पुस्तकमा नेपाल, भारत तथा चीन बीचको त्रिपक्षीय सम्बन्धलाई उजागर गरेको बताए । पुस्तकको सम्पादकमा द्वारिकानाथ ढुङ्गेल तथा मदनकुमार दाहाल रहेका छन् ।

  • प्रथम राष्ट्रपति डा. रामवरण यादव ले नेपालको संविधान सम्बन्धी अन्तराष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनका आयोजकहरुलाई दिनुभएको शुभकामना सन्देश

    प्रिय विपिन अधिकारी / कनकमणि दीक्षित जी,

    काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ ल र साउथ एशिया ट्रष्टले संयुक्त रूपमा आयोजना गरेको नेपालको संविधान–२०७२ सम्बन्धी तीन दिने सम्मेलनमा सहभागिताका निम्ति गर्नुभएको निमन्त्रणाका लागि हार्दिक कृतज्ञता व्यक्त गर्दछु । पूर्व निर्धारित कार्यका निम्ति काठमाडौं भन्दा बाहिर रहने भएकोले यो अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण सम्मेलनमा उपस्थित हुन म असमर्थ रहेको जानकारी गराउँछु ।

    मलाई विश्वास छ— आयोजक संस्थाहरूका तर्फबाट खटिरहनु भएका तपाईं दुई जनाको ऊर्जा र उत्साहका कारण नेपालको संविधान–२०७२ माथि पहिलो पटक हुन लागेको यो बृहत् सम्मेलन पूर्ण रूपमा सार्थक र सफल हुनेछ । राष्ट्रको अग्रगतिका निम्ति यो अत्यन्त जरूरी कार्य सम्पन्न गर्ने बिंडो उठाउनु भएकोमा म व्यक्तिगत रूपमा तपाईंहरूलाई धन्यवाद दिन्छु ।

    जनताका निर्वाचित प्रतिनिधिहरूद्वारा बनाइएको संविधान अन्तर्गत मुलुकलाई अगाडि बढाउने नेपाली जनताको सपना साकार हामीले झ्ण्डै ७ दशकसम्म अथक संघर्ष ग¥यौं । २०६४ सालमा पहिलो पटक संविधान सभाको निर्वाचन भए पछि पनि संविधान बनाउन हामीलाई सजिलो भएन । उक्त, संविधान सभा आफ्नो कार्य अधुरै छोडेर भंग हुन पुग्यो । दोस्रो संविधान सभाले संविधान निर्माणको विषयलाई उच्च प्राथमिकतामा राखेर काम ग¥यो । तर पनि संविधान जारी गर्दाका बखतको प्रसव–वेदना कम जटिल र पीडादायी थिएन । एकातिर नियत समयमा संविधान जारी गर्नु नै थियो भने अर्कातिर सकेसम्म कुनै पनि भूगोल, वर्ग र समुदायका भावना र सपनाहरू संविधानको घेरा बाहिर रहनु नपरोस् भन्ने सुनिश्चितताका निम्ति अन्तिम घडीसम्म प्रयत्न गर्नु परेको थियो ।

    कुनै पनि संविधानका प्रावधानहरू व्यवहारमा लागू हुनु— त्यो संविधानको विकासको विधिवत थालनी हो । व्यावहारिक अभ्यास र अनुभवबाट प्राप्त ज्ञान र सुझावका आधारमै मात्र संविधानको सुधार र विकास सम्भव हुन्छ । संविधानको पूर्णताका निम्ति क्रमिक–विकास बाहेक अरू कुनै छोटो बाटो होला जस्तो मलाई लागेको छैन । तसर्थ, अब हामी सबैको ध्यान नेपालको संविधान–२०७२ को इमान्दारीपूर्वक कार्यान्वयन मै केन्द्रित हुनु जरुरी छ । तसर्थ, म फेरि पनि दोहो¥याउछु— क्रमिक विकासको माध्यमबाटै संविधानलाई पूर्णता प्रदान गर्न सकिन्छ । संविधानका प्रावधानहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्दै, सिक्दै, सच्याउँदै अघि बढ्न कसैले संकोच पनि नमानौं ।

    संविधान जारी भएको तीन वर्ष पूरा हुनै लागेको घडीमा आयोजित यो सम्मेलनले नेपालको संविधान–२०७२ को मर्म र उद्देश्यलाई जनमानसमा थप उजागर गर्न छलफल, बहस र अध्ययन–अनुसन्धानको नयाँ ढोका खोल्न सकोस् भन्ने कामना गर्दछु ।

    जय नेपाल
    सबै नेपालीको जय होस् !
    २५ साउन २०७५, बागडोल, ललितपुर

  • जोशीलाई पूर्वप्रधानन्यायाधीशहरूको सुझाव- ‘राजीनामा दिनु उचित’

    काठमाडौँ — प्रधानन्यायाधीशमा अस्वीकृत दीपकराज जोशीलाई पेसी तोक्न नैतिक र कानुनी बाधा देखिएकाले उनले राजीनामा दिनु बुद्धिमानी हुने पूर्वप्रधानन्यायाधीशहरूको सुझाव छ ।

    ‘उहाँलाई प्रधानन्यायाधीशमा संसद्ले अनुमोदन नगरेकाले कामु प्रधानन्यायाधीशका हैसियतले समेत अब पेसी तोक्न नैतिक र कानुनी संकट छ,’ पूर्वप्रधानन्यायाधीश अनुपराज शर्माले भने, ‘यस्तोमा उहाँले राजीनामा दिनु नै उचित हुन्छ, नत्र संसद्ले महाअभियोग लगाउने ठाउँ रहन्छ ।’

    महाअभियोग लागे पेन्सन पनि गुम्ने हुँदा जोशी न्यायालयबाट पन्छिनु उचित हुने उनको विश्लेषण छ । यस्तै तर्क छ, अर्का पूर्वप्रधानन्यायाधीश रामप्रसाद श्रेष्ठको पनि । ‘प्रधानन्यायाधीशका लागि अस्वीकृत भएको अवस्थामा जोशीजीलाई कामु भएर काम गरिरहन नैतिकताले दिँदैन,’ उनले भने, ‘त्यसैले उहाँले राजीनामा दिनु बुद्धिमानी हुन्छ ।’

    जोशीलाई अस्वीकृत गर्नुको कारणमा संसद्ले नेतृत्व क्षमताभन्दा बढी शैक्षिक योग्यता र कार्यक्षमता देखाएकाले पनि न्याय सम्पादनमा बसिरहनु उचित नहुने शर्माले बताए । ‘हुन त संसद्ले उहाँलाई प्रधानन्यायाधीश बनाउँदिनँ भनेको हो, न्यायाधीशको पद खोसेको होइन,’ उनले भने, ‘तर अर्को (भावी प्रधानन्यायाधीश) ले कजलिस्ट तोक्ने अवस्था आयो भने कार्यक्षमतामा प्रश्न उठेपछि न्यायाधीश पनि भएर बस्ने कि नबस्ने भन्ने प्रश्न उठ्छ ।’

    संविधानविद् डा. विपिन अधिकारीले ऐन अभावमा यस्तो संकट उत्पन्न हुन गएको बताए । ‘सुनुवाइ समितिले नियमावलीका भरमा निर्णय गर्‍यो,’ उनले भने, ‘त्यसका ठाउँमा सुनुवाइसम्बन्धी ऐन भइदिए अनुमोदन भए के हुने र नभए कामु प्रधानन्यायाधीशको हैसियत कस्तो रहने भन्ने व्यवस्था हुन्थ्यो ।’

    यो संकट टार्न जोशीले राजीनामा नदिए संवैधानिक परिषद्ले सर्वोच्चमा तीन वर्ष सेवा अवधि पुगेका बाँकी दुई न्यायाधीश ओमप्रकाश मिश्र र चोलेन्द्रशमशेर राणामध्ये एकलाई सुनुवाइ समितिमा सिफारिस गर्नुपर्ने शर्माको बुझाइ छ । जोशी प्रकरणले सुनुवाइ समितिमा न्यायाधीशहरू हल्का रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुने परिपाटी भने सुधार्ने ठान्छन् उनी । ‘सुनुवाइलाई न्यायाधीशले हल्का रूपमा लिन्थे । संसद्ले केही सोध्छ, हर्‍यास गर्छ तर अन्त्यमा सिफारिसचाहिँ गरिहाल्छ भन्ने उनीहरू ठान्थे,’ शर्मा भन्छन्, ‘त्यही ठानेर सुनुवाइमा तयारी राम्रो गर्दैनथे । जोशीजीले पनि सांसदले अढाई घण्टामा सोधेका प्रश्नको १२ मिनेटमा उत्तर दिनुभयो । फेरि सांसदलाई साथीहरू भन्नुभएछ । यसले पनि संसदको मन दुखेको हुन सक्छ ।’

    प्रकाशित : श्रावण १८, २०७५ २१:१५

  • दीपकराज जोशी प्रधानन्यायाधीशमा अस्वीकृत : अब के हुन्छ ?

    काठमाडौ । संवैधानिक परिषद्द्वारा प्रधानन्यायाधीशमा सिफारिस गरिएका दीपकराज जोशीलाई संसदीय सुनवाइबाट अस्वीकृत गरेको छ । यो नेपालको संसदीय इतिहासको पहिलो घटना हो । अस्वीकृत गर्दा कानुनी र राजनीतिक प्रश्न एकैसाथ उठ्ने भएको छ । जोशीको नाम संसदीय सुनुवाइ समितिले अस्वीकार गरेपछि केही बहस शूरु भएको छ ।

    यता प्रधानन्यायाधीश अस्वीकृत बारे संविधान मौन छ । तर, संघीय संसद्को संयुक्त समितिको कार्यसञ्चालन नियमावलीले प्रस्टसँग अस्वीकृत गर्न सक्ने व्यवस्था गरेको छ । अर्कोतर्फ दुई तिहाइको बहुमतबाट जोशीको नाम अस्वीकृत गर्दा न्यायालयभित्र कार्यकारिणीको छाया पर्ने भन्दै प्रमुख प्रतिपक्षीसहित विपक्षी राजनीतिक दलले विरोध गरेका छन् । बिरोधकै बीच सत्तारुढ दलले बहुमत जुटाएर जोशीलाई अस्वीकृत गरेको छ ।

    संविधानविद् विपिन अधिकारी संसदीय समितिले जोशीको नाम अस्वीकृत गर्नु त्यसको वैधतामाथि ठूलो प्रश्न उठ्ने बताउँछन् । समितिले तत्काल नियमावलीको कार्यविधिअनुसार अस्वीकृत गर्न सक्ने विशेषाधिकार रहे पनि पछि अदालतमा कानुनी प्रश्न उठ्ने उनले बताए । ‘संविधानले खोजेको र चिनेको संघीय ऐनलाई हो । नियमावली र कार्यविधि संसदको क्षेत्राधिकारभित्रैबाट पारित भए पनि ऐन बनिनसकेका कारण यसले कानुनी प्रश्न उठाउँछ,’ उनले भने, ‘संविधानले न्यायपरिषद् र संवैधानिक परिषद् पार गरेका पदाधिकारीलाई बर्खास्त गर्न मिल्ने प्रावधान राखेको छैन । सुनुवाइ गर्ने मात्रै भनेको छ । सुनुवाइ गर्नु भन्नुको अर्थ स्वीकृत र अस्वीकृत दुवै गर्न सक्छ तर नियमावली र कार्यविधिबाट होइन ऐन बनाएर गर्नुपर्छ ।’

    संघीय संसद्को संयुक्त बैठक र संयुक्त समिति (कार्यसञ्चालन) नियमावलीको नियम २६ (५) को सुनुवाइसम्बन्धी कार्यविधिमा समितिको सम्पूर्ण सदस्य संख्याको दुई तिहाइ बहुमतबाट अस्वीकृत भएमा अनुमोदन भएको मानिने छ भन्ने उल्लेख छ । तर, संविधानले भने अस्वीकृत गर्न सकिने व्यवस्था उल्लेख गरेको छैन । संविधानको धारा ९७ ले संघीय कानुनबमोजिम समितिहरू गठन गर्न सकिने उल्लेख गरेको छ भने धारा १०४ ले समिति गठन र कार्यविधि नियमित गर्न नियमावली बनाउन सक्नेछ भन्ने उल्लेख छ ।

    नियमावली नबनेसम्म आफ्नो कार्यविधि आफैं नियमित गर्नेछ भन्ने व्यवस्था उक्त धारामा छ । पूर्वमहान्यायाधिवक्ता हरि फुयाल संविधानले आफ्नो कार्यविधि आफैं बनाउने अधिकार दिएकाले यसमा प्रश्न नउठ्ने बताउँछन् । ‘संसद्ले कस्तो प्रक्रिया अपनाउने भन्ने कुरा उसको विशेषाधिकार हो, यसमा न्यायालयले पुनरावृत्ति गर्न पनि सक्दैन,’ उनले भने, ‘संवैधानिक परिषद्बाट सिफारिस भएका कुनै पनि पदाधिकारीलाई सुनुवाइ समितिले अस्वीकृत गर्दा कस्तो आधारमा गरिएको हो भन्ने कुरा आम जनताको चासो भने हुन्छ । कार्यविधिमा नलेखिए पनि त्यसलाई सन्तोषजनक रूपमा पुष्टि हुने गरी आधार देखाउन सक्नुपर्छ ।’

    संविधानविद् अधिकारी संसदीय प्रणालीमा संसदीय सुनुवाइ सैद्धान्तिक रूपमा गलत अभ्यास भएको बताउँछन् । उनका अनुसार राष्ट्रपतीय शासन प्रणाली रहेका मुलुकले मात्रै यस्तो अभ्यास गर्ने परम्परा छ । ‘राष्ट्रपति सिधै जनताबाट निर्वाचित भएर आउने भएकाले संसद्लाई उसले नचाउन सक्छ भनेर यस्तो व्यवस्था गरिएको हो, तर संसदीय प्रणालीमा संसदकै भूमिका बढी हुन्छ,’ उनले भने, ‘यस्तो अवस्थामा संसदीय सुनुवाइ समिति राख्नु अनुचित मात्रै होइन, खतरनाक हो ।’

    संसदीय सुनुवाइ समितिका सदस्यसमेत रहेका कांग्रेस नेता ज्ञानेन्द्रबहादुर कार्कीले जोशीको नाम अस्वीकृत गरेर सत्तारुढ दलले गलत नजिर राखेको आरोप लगाए । ‘दुई तिहाइ मतको बलमा प्रधानमन्त्रीकै अध्यक्षतामा रहेको संवैधानिक परिषद्बाट सिफारिस व्यक्तिलाई अस्वीकृत गरे न्यायपालिका स्वतन्त्र हुन सक्दैन, कार्यकारिणीको छाँयामा न्यायपालिका पर्छ,’ उनले भने, ‘यसलाई हामीले स्वाभाविक रूपमा लिएका छैनौं । अस्वीकृत हुने दुर्भाग्य हो । न्यायालयलाई जबर्जस्ती राजनीतिमा तान्ने काम भएको छ कार्कीले भने ।

    कानुनविद् अधिकारीले पनि संसदीय सुनवाइ समितिले जोशीको नाम अस्वीकृत हुनु न्यायालय स्वतन्त्र हुन नसक्ने दाबी गरे । ‘लामो प्रक्रिया पार गरेर आएका न्यायाधीश समितिको बहुमत सदस्यसँग रुझेको बिरालो जस्तो बन्नुपर्‍यो भने कसरी स्वतन्त्र निर्णय हुन्छ,’ उनले भने । कांग्रेस सभापति शेरबहादुर देउवाले जोशीको नाम अस्वीकृत भएसँगै संसद् र सडक तताउने चेतावनी दिएका छन् । समितिको बैठकलगत्तै कांग्रेस नेताहरूबीच सभापति देउवाको बूढानीलकण्ठस्थित निवासमा यसबारे छलफल भएको थियो । ‘एक पटक प्रधानमन्त्रीलाई भेटेर आग्रह गर्ने, त्यति गर्दा पनि अस्वीकृत गर्ने अवस्था भए सडक र सदन तताउने कुराकानी भएको छ,’ कांग्रेसका अर्का एक नेताले बताएका थिए । यही योजना मुताबिक अब कांग्रेस सडक र सदन तताउन उद्दत हुनेछ ।

  • In a first, hearing committee rejects chief justice nominee

    Aug 4, 2018-In an unprecedented move, the Parliamentary Hearing Committee (PHC) on Friday rejected the nomination of Deepak Raj Joshee as the chief justice of the Supreme Court with a two-thirds majority. This is the first time any nominee for the top judiciary post did not survive hearing since the practice was initiated in 2007.

    The PHC meeting boycotted by Nepali Congress lawmakers rejected the recommendation through a vote after rounds of negotiations to take a consensus decision had failed. Opposition members of the committee, who were lobbying for Joshee, boycotted the meeting after its coordinator Laxman Lal Karna agreed to put the motion to a vote. Ten members from the ruling parties—nine from the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) and one from the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum-Nepal—voted against Joshee’s recommendation while there was no vote in his favour.

    The Federal Parliament Joint Meeting and Joint Committee (Operation) Regulations, which guides the PHC’s business, says that a two-thirds majority of the 15-member committee can reject the recommendation. The Constitutional Council led by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on June 12 recommended Acting CJ Joshee to head the judiciary. The PHC on July 26 conducted Joshee’s hearing but had failed to take a decision as the panellists from the ruling and opposition parties remained sharply divided over whether to endorse him as the new CJ. Six meetings held after the hearing had failed to reach a conclusion, prompting coordinator Karna to take a decision through vote.

    The NCP gave five reasons for rejecting Joshee. Yogesh Bhattarai, NCP member on the PHC, said Joshee had failed to give convincing answers to the issue of his integrity, work efficiency and behaviour. He was able neither to present proof to verify his questionable academic credentials nor to submit a concrete plan on how he would lead the judiciary effectively. He was accused of taking hearing as granted and briefing the PHC as “an Army general does to his personnel”.

    Several questions were raised over Joshee’s grade 10 certificate and his ruling in various cases. However, he failed to convince the hearing committee that accusations against him were false. “We concluded that Joshee is unfit to lead the Judiciary,” Bhattarai told journalists.

    The NC, however, has a different take. The opposition party claimed that since the Constitutional Council (CC) recommended his name deeming him qualified to lead the SC, it was illogical for the hearing committee to reject the name “without valid reasons” for it.

    Constitutional expert Bipin Adhikari said the Federal Law had to be in place as provisioned by the constitution before the PHC took any decision on the nominee. Parliamentary regulations alone were not enough to reach such a crucial decision, he added.

    What next?

    Since the PHC only disqualified Joshee as the CJ, he can, if he wishes, continue in office as the acting CJ until somebody else replaces him, say legal experts. The Judicial Council on March 28 recommended three names for the CJ—Joshee, Om Prakash Mishra and Cholendra Shumsher Rana. Advocate Tika Ram Bhattarai claimed that there was no constitutional bar for Joshee to continue as justice until his retirement age. But he faces moral questions to continue while there are serious charges against him from controversial rulings and dubious certificates to the lack of capacity.

    “It’s up to him [Joshee] to choose a graceful exit or continue as a justice while he has failed to falsify the charges against him,” Bhattarai told the Post. The Constitutional Council was now free to pick one of Mishra or Rana for the post. Asked if it was a moral question for Parliament to bar him from continuing as justice in the face of the allegations, Bhattarai said: “I believe Joshee will opt for a graceful exit by resigning. He would definitely not want to be impeached.”

    Adhikari said there would not have been so much complexity had the federal law been in place. The legislation is expected to define future steps for an official rejected by the PHC.

  • CJ nominee’s rejection raises ‘tricky questions’

    The Public Hearing Committee’s decision to reject Deepak Raj Joshee’s name for the post of chief justice has raised tricky questions, according to constitution expert Bipin Adhikari.

    According to Adhikari, since there’s no Act clarifying the PHC process, the committee is functioning on a regulation, which does not say anything on what will happen to the acting CJ if his/her nomination is rejected by the committee.

    “This raises tricky questions. How can a person rejected by the PHC continue to hold the post of acting CJ? If the name of other individuals is to be forwarded by the JC, how can the council do so when it is headed by the acting CJ who has been termed ineligible? How can an ineligible person take part in the Constitutional Council meeting and make recommendations?”

    Meanwhile, the process of appointing a new CJ should begin afresh.

    As per the law, judges who have served at least three years as Supreme Court justices are eligible for the post of chief justice.

    The CJ appointment process begins with the Judicial Council forwarding the names of eligible justices to the Constitutional Council, which selects one of the three and recommends the name to the PHC. After the committee’s nod, the chief justice is appointed by the president.

    According to details available on the official website of the Supreme Court, Justice Om Prakash Mishra and Justice Cholendra SJB Rana are the only two justices who have completed three years as SC justices.

    After the Judicial Council relieved former chief justice Gopal Parajuli of his responsibilities on March 14, Justice Joshee had assumed office as acting chief justice the following day.

    A meeting of the CC held on June 12 had recommended Joshee’s name for the post of chief justice from among three names forwarded by the JC — Joshee, Rana, and Mishra.

    However, a PHC meeting today rejected Joshee’s nomination with two-thirds majority.